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America's Geopolitical Nightmare and Eurasian Strategic Energy Arrangements
By F. William Engdahl
May 24, 2006
GlobalResearch.ca, May 7,
2006
Part I: The disintegration of the Bush Presidency
By drawing attention to Iraq and the obvious role oil plays in US policy
today, the Bush-Cheney administration has done just that: They have drawn
the world’s energy-deficit powers’ attention firmly to the strategic battle
over energy and especially oil. This is already having consequences for the
global economy in terms of $75 a barrel crude oil price levels. Now it is
taking on the dimension of what one former US Defense Secretary rightly
calls a ‘geopolitical nightmare’ for the United States.
The creation by Bush-Cheney-Rumsfeld and company of a geopolitical
nightmare, is also the backdrop to comprehend the dramatic political shift
within the US establishment in the past six months, away from the Bush
Presidency. Simply put: Bush/Cheney and their band of neo-conservative
warhawks, with their special relationship to the capacities of Israel in
Iraq and across the Mideast, were given a chance.
The chance was to deliver on the US strategic goal of control of petroleum
resources globally, in order to ensure the US role as first among equals
over the next decade and beyond. Not only have they failed to ‘deliver’ that
goal of US strategic dominance. They have also threatened the very basis of
continued US hegemony or as the Rumsfeld Pentagon likes to term it, ‘Full
Spectrum Dominance.’ The move by Bolivian President Evo Morales, following
meetings with Velezuela’s Hugo Chavez and Fidel Castro, to assert national
control over oil and gas resources is only the latest demonstration of the
decline in US power projection.
Future of the Bush Doctrine in the balance
As the reality of US foreign policy is obscured by the endless rhetoric of
‘defending democracy’ and the like, it is useful to recall that US foreign
policy since the collapse of the Soviet Union has been open and explicit. It
is to prevent at any cost the congealing of a potential combination of
nations that might challenge US dominance. This is the US policy as
elaborated in Bush’s June 2002 West Point speech.
There the President outlined a radical departure in explicit US foreign
policy in two vital areas: A policy of preventive war, should the US be
threatened by terrorists or by rogue states engaged in the production of
weapons of mass destruction. Second, the right of self-defense authorized
the USA to launch pre-emptive attacks against potential aggressors, cutting
them off before they are able to launch strikes against the US.
The new US doctrine, the Bush Doctrine, also proclaimed, ‘the duty of the US
to pursue unilateral military action when acceptable multilateral solutions
cannot be found.’ It went further and declared it US policy that the ‘United
States has, and intends to keep, military strengths beyond challenge.’ The
US would take whatever actions necessary to continue its status as the
world's sole military superpower. This resembled British Empire policy
before World War I, namely, that the Royal Navy must be larger than the
world's next two largest navies put together.
The policy also included pro-active regime change around the world under the
slogan of ‘extending democracy.’ As Bush stated at West Point, ‘America has
no empire to extend or utopia to establish. We wish for others only what we
wish for ourselves -- safety from violence, the rewards of liberty, and the
hope for a better life.’
Those policy fragments were gathered into an official policy in September
2002, a National Security Council text entitled the National Security
Strategy of the United States. That text was drafted for the
President’s signature by then NSC head Condi Rice. She in turn took an
earlier policy document prepared under the 1992 Bush senior Presidency by
neo-conservative Paul Wolfowitz.
The Bush Doctrine of Rice had been fully delineated in 1992 in a Defense
Planning Guidance ‘final draft’ done by then Under Secretary of Defense for
Policy, Paul Wolfowitz, and known in Washington as the Wolfowitz Doctrine.
Wolfowitz declared then, that with the threat of a Soviet attack gone, the
US was the unchallenged sole Superpower and should pursue its global agenda
including pre-emptive war and unilateral foreign policy actions.
An internal leak of the draft to the New York Times then led
President Bush senior to announce it was ‘only a draft and not US policy.’
By 2002 it was officially US policy.
The Bush Doctrine stated that ‘military pre-emption’ was legitimate when the
threat was ‘emerging’ or ‘sufficient, even if uncertainty remains as to the
time and place of the enemy's attack.’ That left a hole large enough for an
Abrams tank to roll through, according to critics. Afghanistan, as case in
point, was declared a legitimate target for US military bombardment, because
the Taliban regime had said it would turn Osama bin Laden over only when the
US demonstrated proof he was behind the September 11 World Trade Center and
Pentagon attacks. Bush didn’t give proof. He did launch a ‘pre-emptive’ war.
At the time, few bothered to look to the niceties of international law.
The Bush Doctrine was and is a neo-conservative doctrine of preventive and
pre-emptive war. It has proven to be a strategic catastrophe for the United
States role as sole Superpower. That is the background to comprehend all
events today as they are unfolding in and around Washington.
The future of that Bush Doctrine foreign policy and in fact the future
ability of the United States, as sole Superpower or sole anything to hold
forth is what is now at stake in the issue of the future of the Bush
Presidency. Useful to note is that Deputy Defense Secretary Wolfowitz wrote
his 1992 draft for then Defense Secretary, Dick Cheney.
Bush Administration in crisis
The most fascinating indication of a sea-change within the American
political establishment towards the Bush Doctrine and those who are behind
it is the developing debate around the 83-page paper, first published on the
official website of Harvard University, criticizing the dominant role of
Israel in shaping US foreign policy.
The paper was initially trashed by the ADL of B’nai Brith and select
neo-conservative writers, as ‘anti-semitic’, which it is not, and as one
commentator tried to smear it, as ‘echoing the views of former KKK leader
and white power advocate David Duke,’ who has also attacked the Israel
lobby. However, profoundly significant is the fact that this time, leading
mainstream media, including Richard Cohen in the Washington Post ,
have come to defense of Walt and Mearsheimer. Even certain Israeli press has
done so. The taboo of speaking publicly of the pro-Israel agenda of
neo-conservatives has apparently been broken. That suggests that the
old-guard foreign policy establishment, types such as Zbigniew Brzezinski
and Brent Scowcroft and their allies, are stepping up to retake foreign
policy leadership. The neo-cons have proved a colossal failure in their
defense of America’s strategic real interests as the realists see it.
The paper, ‘The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,’ was written by two
highly respected US foreign policy realists and consultants to the State
Department. The authors are neither neo-Nazi skinheads nor anti-Semites.
John J. Mearsheimer is political science professor and co-director of the
Program on International Security Policy at the University of Chicago.
Stephen M. Walt is academic dean and a chaired professor at Harvard's
Kennedy School of Government. Both are members of the Coalition for a
Realistic Foreign Policy. They are so-called ‘realists’ along with Kissinger,
Scowcroft, Brzezinski.
Some of their conclusions about the Israel lobby's goals:
• ‘No lobby has managed to divert foreign policy as far from what the
American national interest would otherwise suggest, while simultaneously
convincing Americans that U.S. and Israeli interests are essentially
identical.’
• American supporters of Israel promoted the war against Iraq. The senior
administration officials who spearheaded the campaign were also in the
vanguard of the pro-Israel lobby, e.g., then Deputy Defense Secretary Paul
Wolfowitz; Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith; Elliott
Abrams, Mideast affairs at the White House; David Wurmser, Mideast affairs
for Vice President Richard Cheney; Richard Perle, first among neocon equals,
chairman of the Defense Policy Board, an influential advisory body of
strategic experts.
• A similar effort is now under way to bomb
Iran's nuclear facilities.
• AIPAC is fighting registering as foreign agents because this would
place severe limitations on its congressional activities, particularly in
the legislative electoral arena. ... American politicians remain acutely
sensitive to campaign contributions and other forms of political pressure
and major media outlets are likely to remain sympathetic to Israel no matter
what it does.
It’s useful to quote the official goals of the Coalition for a Realistic
Foreign Policy, of which Walt and Mearsheimer are members, to have a better
indication of their factional line-up in the current factional battle inside
the US elite. The website of that Coalition states,
‘Against the backdrop of an ever-bloodier conflict in Iraq, American
foreign policy is moving in a dangerous direction toward empire.
Worrisome imperial trends are apparent in the Bush administration's
National Security Strategy. That document pledges to maintain America's
military dominance in the world, and it does so in a way that encourages
other nations to form countervailing coalitions and alliances. We can
expect, and are seeing now, multiple balances of power forming against us.
People resent and resist domination, no matter how benign.
Authors Walt and Mearsheimer also note that Richard Perle and Douglas Feith
put their names to a 1996 policy blueprint for Benjamin Netanyahu's then
incoming government in Israel, titled, ‘A Clean Break: A New Strategy for
Securing the Realm [Israel].’
In that document, Perle and Feith advised Netanyahu that the rebuilding of
Zionism must abandon any thought of trading land for peace with the
Palestinians, i.e., repeal the Oslo accords. Next, Saddam Hussein must be
overthrown and democracy established in Iraq, which would then prove
contagious in Israel's other Arab neighbors. That was in 1996, seven years
before Bush launched a near unilateral war for regime change in Iraq.
When NBC's TV’s Tim Russert on the widely-watched ‘Meet the Press’ asked
Perle about his geopolitical laundry list for Israel's benefit, Perle
replied, ‘What's wrong with that?’
For all this to succeed, Perle and Feith wrote, ‘Israel would have to win
broad American support.’ To ensure this support, they advised the Israeli
prime minister to use ‘language familiar to Americans by tapping into themes
of past US administrations during the Cold War, which apply as well to
Israel.’ An Israeli columnist in Ha'aretz accused Perle and Feith of,
‘walking a fine line’ between ‘their loyalty to American governments and
Israeli interests.’
Today, Perle has been forced to take a low profile in Washington after
initially heading Rumsfeld’s Defense Policy Board at the Pentagon. Feith was
forced to leave the State Department for the private sector. That was more
than a year ago.
Wave of Bush resignations underway
Now White House Chief of Staff and a man who was a Bush family loyal
retainer for 25 years, Andrew Card, has left, and in an announcement that
apparently shocked the neo-conservative hawks like William Kristol, on May 5
Bush’s pro-neo-con CIA head, Porter Goss, abruptly announced his resignation
in a one line statement.
Goss’ departure was preceded by the growing scandal involving Goss’ Number 3
man at CIA, Executive Director, Kyle ‘Dusty’ Foggo. Last December the CIA
Inspector General opened an investigation into Foggo’s role in Pengaton-CIA
contract fraud. Foggo is also being linked to an emerging White House-GOP
sex scandal which could pale the Monika Lewinsky affair. As Goss violated
seniority precedence in naming Foggo to No. 3 at CIA, the Goss resignation
and the imminent breaking sex and bribery scandals around Foggo are being
linked by some media.
The Foggo case is tied to disgraced Republican Congressman, Randall ‘Duke’
Cunningham. Federal prosecutors have accused, as an un-indicted
co-conspirator, one of Foggo’s closest friends, San Diego businessman Brent
Wilkes, of participating in a scheme to bribe Cunningham, the former GOP
congressman from San Diego. Cunningham in turn is linked to convicted
Republican money launderer and fix-it man, Jack Abramoff. Foggo oversaw
contracts involving at least one of the companies accused of paying bribes
to Congressman Cunningham. The Wall Street Journal reports that Foggo
has been a close friend, since junior high school, with California defense
contractor Brent R. Wilkes. They report, an ongoing ‘criminal investigation’
centers on whether Mr. Foggo used his postings at the CIA to improperly
steer contracts to Mr. Wilkes's companies.’
Wilkes was implicated in the charges filed against Cunningham, as an
un-indicted co-conspirator who allegedly paid $630,000 in bribes to
Cunningham for help in obtaining federal defense and other contracts. No
charges have been filed against Wilkes, though federal prosecutors in San
Diego are working to build a case against him, as well as Foggo.
The FBI and federal prosecutors are investigating evidence that Wilkes had
given gifts to Foggo and paid for various services, including alleged sex
orgies at the Watergate (now Westin), while Foggo was in a position to help
him gain particular CIA contracts.
The CIA inspector general has opened an investigation into the spy
agency's executive director, Kyle "Dusty" Foggo, and his connections to two
defense contractors accused of bribing a member of Congress and Pentagon
officials.
The Goss resignation follows on the heels of public calls for Secretary
Rumsfeld’s immediate resignation over the Iraq military debacle coming from
a growing chorus of retired US military generals.
The latest in the slow, systematic ‘let ‘em twist in the wind’ process of
downsizing the Bush regime, was an incident in Atlanta May 4 before a
supposedly friendly foreign policy audience where Rumsfeld spoke. During the
question period, he was confronted with his laying about the ground for
going to war in Iraq.
Ray McGovern, a 27-year CIA veteran who once gave then-President George H.W.
Bush his morning intelligence briefings, engaged in an extended debate with
Rumsfeld. He asked why Rumsfeld had insisted before the Iraq invasion that
there was ‘bulletproof evidence’ linking Saddam Hussein to Al Qaeda.
‘Was that a lie, Mr. Rumsfeld, or was that manufactured somewhere else?
Because all of my CIA colleagues disputed that and so did the 9/11
commission,’ McGovern asked a startled Rumsfeld. ‘Why did you lie to get us
into a war that was not necessary?’
Significant in terms of the shift reflected in how the establishment media
handles Rumsfeld, Cheney and Bush today is the following account in the
Los Angeles Times:
‘At the start of the exchange, Rumsfeld remained his usual unflappable
self, insisting, "I haven't lied; I did not lie then," before launching into
a vigorous defense of the administration's prewar assertions on Iraq's
weapons of mass destruction.
But Rumsfeld became uncharacteristically tongue-tied when McGovern
pressed him on claims that he knew where unconventional Iraqi weapons were
located.
"You said you knew where they were," McGovern said.
"I did not. I said I knew where suspected sites were," Rumsfeld retorted.
McGovern then read from statements the Defense secretary had made that
weapons were located near Tikrit, Iraq, and Baghdad…’
Rumsfeld was stone silent. The entire episode was filmed and shown on
network television. Rumsfeld’s days are clearly numbered. Karl Rove is
rumoured to be days away from being co-indicted with Cheney aide Lewis Libby
for the Valerie Plame CIA leak affair. Recall that that affair was over
alleged Niger uranium evidence as basis for convincing Congress to waive a
War Declaration on Iraq and give Bush carte blanche. All threads are being
carefully woven, evidently by a re-emerging realist faction into a tapestry
which will likely spell Impeachment, perhaps also of the Vice President, the
real power behind this Presidency.
Part II: Disintegration of US Eurasia Strategic Influence
A Foreign Policy disaster over China
In this context, the recent diplomatic insult from Bush to visiting China
President Hu Jintao, is doubly disastrous for the US foreign position. Bush
acted on a script written by the anti-China neo-conservatives, to
deliberately insult and humiliate Hu at the White House. First was the
incident of allowing a Taiwanese ‘journalist,’ a Falun Gong member, into the
carefully-screened White House press conference, to rant in a tirade against
Chinese human rights for more than three minutes, with no attempt at
removal, at a White House filmed press conference. Then came the playing of
the Chinese National Hymn for Hu. The ‘Chinese’ hymn, however, was the
(Taiwan) Republic of China hymn, not the (Beijing) People's Republic hymn.
It was no ‘slip-up by the professional White House protocol people. It was a
deliberate effort to humiliate the Chinese leader. The problem is that the
US economy has become dependent on Chinese trade imports and on Chinese
holdings of US Treasury securities. China today is the largest holder of
dollar reserves in form of US Treasury paper with an estimated $825 billion.
Were Beijing to decide to exit the US bond market, even in part, it would
cause a dollar free-fall and collapse of the $7 trillion US real estate
market, a wave of US bank failures and huge unemployment. It’s a real option
even if unlikely at the moment.
China’s Hu didn’t waste time or tears over the Bush affront. He immediately
went on to Saudi Arabia for a 3 day state visit where both signed trade,
defense and security agreements. Needless to say, this is no small slap in
the fact to Washington by the traditionally ‘loyal’ Saudi Royal House.
Hu signed a deal for SABIC of Saudi Arabia to build a $5.2 billion oil
refinery and petrochemical project in northeast China. At the beginning of
this year, King Abdullah was in Beijing for a full state visit. Hmmmmm…Since
the Roosevelt-King Ibn Saud deal giving US Aramco and not the British
exclusive concession to develop Saudi oil in 1943, Saudi Arabia has been
regarded in Washington as a core strategic sphere of interest.
Hu then went on to Morocco, another traditional US sphere of interest,
Nigeria and Kenya, all regarded as US spheres of interest. Hmmmm. Only two
months ago Rumsfeld was in Morocco to offer US arms. Hu is offering to
finance energy exploration there.
The SCO and Iran events
The latest developments around the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)
and Iran further underscore the dramatic change in the geopolitical position
of the United States.
The SCO was created in Shanghai on June 15, 2001 by Russia and China along
with four former USSR Central Asian republics-- Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan,
Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Prior to September 11 2001, and the US
declaration of an Axis of Evil in January 2002, the SCO was merely
background geopolitical chatter as far as Washington was concerned. Today
the SCO, which has to date been blacked out almost entirely in US mainstream
media, is defining a new political counterweight to US hegemony and its
‘one-polar’ world.
At the next June 15 2006 SCO meeting, Iran has been invited to become a full
SCO member.
Last month in Teheran, the Chinese Ambassador, Lio G Tan announced that a
pending oil and gas deal between China and Iran is ready to be signed.
The deal is said to be worth at least $100 billion, and includes development
of the huge Yadavaran onshore oil field. China’s Sinopec would agree to buy
250 million tons of LNG over 25 years. No wonder China is not jumping to
back Washington against Iran in the UN Security Council. The US had been
trying to put massive pressure on Beijing to halt the deal, for obvious
geopolitical reasons, to no avail. Another major defeat for Washington.
Iran is also moving on plans to deliver natural gas via a pipeline to
Pakistan and India. Energy ministers from the three countries met in Doha
recently and plan to meet again this month in Pakistan.
The pipeline progress is a direct rebuff to Washington's efforts to steer
investors clear of Iran. Ironically, US opposition is driving these
countries into each others’ arms, Washington’s ‘geopolitical nightmare.’
At the same June 15 SCO meeting, India, which Bush is personally attempting
to woo as a geopolitical Asian ‘counterweight’ to China, will also be
invited to join SCO. As well, Mongolia and Pakistan will be invited to join
SCO. SCO is gaining in geopolitical throw-weight quite substantially.
Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mohammadi told ITAR-Tass in Moscow
in April that Iranian membership in SCO could ‘make the world more fair.’ He
also spoke of building an Iran-Russia ‘gas-and-oil arc’ in which the two
giant energy producers would coordinate activities.
US out in cold in Central Asia
The admission of Iran into SCO opens many new options for Iran and the
region. By virtue of SCO membership, Iran can now take part in SCO projects,
which in turn means access to badly-needed technology, investment, trade,
infrastructure development. It will have major implications for global
energy security.
The SCO has reportedly set up a working group of experts ahead of the June
summit to develop a common SCO Asian energy strategy, and discuss joint
pipeline projects, oil exploration and related activities. Iran sits on the
world’s second largest natural gas reserves, and Russia has the largest.
Russia is the world’s second largest oil producer after Saudi Arabia. These
are no small moves.
India is desperate to come to terms with Iran for energy but is being
pressured by Washington not to.
The Bush Administration last year tried to get ‘observer status’ at SCO but
was turned down. The rebuff - along with SCO's demands for a reduced
American military presence in Central Asia, deeper Russia-China cooperation
and the setbacks to US diplomacy in Central Asia – have prompted a policy
review in Washington.
After her October 2005 Central Asian tour, Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice announced re-organization of the US State Department's South Asia
Bureau to include the Central Asian states, and a new US ‘Greater Central
Asia’ scheme.
Washington is trying to wean Central Asian states away from Russia and
China. Hamid Karzai's government in Kabul has not responded to SCO's
overtures. Given his ties historically to Washington, he likely has little
choice.
Gennady Yefstafiyev, a former general in Russia's Foreign Intelligence
Service, says, ‘The US's long term goals in Iran are obvious: to engineer
the downfall of the current regime; to establish control over Iran's oil and
gas; and to use its territory as the shortest route for the transportation
of hydrocarbons under US control from the regions of Central Asia and the
Caspian Sea bypassing Russia and China. This is not to mention Iran's
intrinsic military and strategic significance.’
Washington had based its strategy on Kazakhstan being its key partner in
Central Asia. The US wants to expand its physical control over Kazakhstan's
oil reserves and formalize Kazakh oil transportation via Baku-Ceyhan
pipeline, as well as creating the dominant US role in Caspian Sea security.
But Kazakhstan isn’t playing ball. President Nursultan Nazarbayev went to
Moscow on April 3 to reaffirm his continued dependence on Russian oil
pipelines. And China, as we noted back in December, is making major energy
and pipeline deals with Kazakhstan as well.
To make Washington’s geopolitical problems worse, despite securing a
major US military basing deal with Uzbekistan after September 2001,
Washington's relations with Uzbekistan today are disastrous. The US effort
to isolate President Islam Karimov, along lines of the Ukraine ‘Orange
Revolution’ tactics, is not working. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
visited Tashkent in late April.
As well, Tajikistan relies heavily on Russia's support.
In Kyrgyzstan, despite covert US attempts to create dissensions within the
regime, President Burmanbek Bakiyev's alliance with Moscow-backed Prime
Minister Felix Kulov, is holding.
In the space of 12 months Russia and China have managed to move the pieces
on the geopolitical ‘chess board’ of Eurasia away from what had been an
overwhelming US strategic advantage, to the opposite, where the US is
increasingly isolated.
It’s potentially the greatest strategic defeat for the US power projection
of the post World War II period.
This is also the strategic background to the re-emergence of the so-called
realist faction in US policy.
F. William Engdahl is a Global Research Contributing Editor and
author of the book, ‘A Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and the
New World Order,’ Pluto Press Ltd. He is about to publish a book on GMO
titled, ‘Seeds of Destruction: The Hidden Political Agenda Behind GMO’. He
may be contacted through his website,
www.engdahl.oilgeopolitics.net .
America's Geopolitical Nightmare and Eurasian Strategic Energy Arrangements
http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code= EN20060507&articleId=2401
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hungry for peace |
Apartheid
Wall
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| The
Israeli Land-Grab Apartheid Wall built inside the Palestinian
territories, here separating Abu Dis from occupied East
Jerusalem. (IPC, 7/4/04). |
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| The Israeli
apartheid (security) wall around Palestinian population centers in
the West Bank, like a Python. (Alquds,10/25/03). |
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