US Complicity in Israel's Violations of
International Law: Enabling Theft of Palestinian Lands
By James J
Zogby
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, May
21, 2019
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Israeli dispossession of the Palestinian people, by the
continuous theft of their lands, 1947-2006 Note: There's much
less lands remaining now to Palestinians by 2019. |
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US Complicity in Israel’s Violations of International Law
Last week I addressed a United Nations Security Council meeting on
"Israeli Settlements." Because I knew other speakers, experts and
diplomats, would address the illegality of Israeli settlements, the
economic and human rights impact on the Palestinian people, and the
stated design of the entire settlement enterprise to eliminate the
possibility of a viable and contiguous Palestinian state – I focused my
remarks on my government's role in enabling Israel's settlements and its
complicity in Israel's violations of international law. This may seem
like harsh language, but when nothing is done to stop an activity that
violates international law, contributes to human rights abuses, and
presents a clear danger to peace – then I don't know any other way to
describe American actions.
During the past 50 years,
there has been a steady erosion in US policy toward Israeli behavior in
Palestinian lands. Successive American administrations' attitudes toward
Israeli settlements have gone from passive acquiescence to outright
acceptance. Even when some presidents expressed opposition to Israeli
settlements, they took no concrete action to stop them. The net result
has been that the settlement population in the occupied territories grew
from 50,000 during the Carter Administration to 620,000 Israeli settlers
today. The growth of settlements and settlers has been as steady as the
erosion of the official US policy on this critical question.
In
1976 the Ford Administration was firm in its support of the
applicability of the Fourth Geneva Conventions, which governs the
behavior of an occupying power, to Palestine. President Jimmy Carter was
equally firm on this matter. He even sought a formal legal opinion from
the State Department Legal Advisor who determined that settlements were,
in fact, a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
US
adherence international law regarding settlements ended with President
Ronald Reagan. Reagan was neither a student of law nor
policy and when tackling complex matters in interviews, sometimes made
awkward pronouncements based on his vague recollection of policy talking
points. One particularly sloppy example occurred during his first week
in office. When asked about Israel's planned expansion of settlements,
he said "As to the West Bank, I believe the settlements there...they're
not illegal. Not under the UN resolution that leaves the West Bank open
to all people – Arab and Israeli alike."
Though sloppy, this
statement became US policy. During the rest of his time in office,
Reagan meandered between contradicting Carter's position on the
illegality of settlements and saying that settlements were eroding "Arab
confidence in Israel's willingness to enter into a peace agreement." In
the end, Reagan had done real damage to US policy. After him, no US
president referred to settlements as illegal.
Reagan's
successor, George H.W. Bush was firmly opposed to Israeli
settlements, even withholding, as a penalty,
Congressionally-approved loan guarantees from Israel. Still, Bush never
called settlements illegal, instead terming them “obstacles to peace.”
President Clinton, who inherited the Oslo Accords,
continued a similar approach to settlements. He never claimed
settlements were illegal and instead argued that continued construction
was in violation of the “Oslo process,” which prohibited the parties
from undertaking “unilateral actions” that could predetermine final
negotiations.
While expressing concern with settlement expansion,
the George W. Bush Administration often took positions
which enabled their growth. For example, he acceded to Israel’s effort
to distinguish between “legal” settlements and “illegal” outposts,
insisting that the latter be removed (they were not), while only paying
scant attention to the former (many of which Israel proceeded to
encapsulate behind a 420 mile wall – redrawing its borders with the West
Bank). And despite endorsing the “Road Map” – which called on Israel to
dismantle all settlement "outposts" erected after March 2001 and freeze
all settlement activity – Bush sent a letter to Prime Minister Sharon in
April 2004 which stated that, “in light of new realities on the ground,
including already existing major Israeli population centers, it is
unrealistic to expect” these settlements will be removed after final
status negotiations. In short, what was once illegal became accepted as
a "new reality."
President Barack Obama made
repeated efforts to end settlement expansion. In his 2009 Cairo speech,
Obama said, “the United States does not accept the legitimacy of
continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous
agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace…it is time for these
settlements to stop.” When challenged by the Israelis on the need to
allow “natural growth” and their claim that the Bush Administration had
given them permission to build within the “blocs” that were assumed
Israel would annex – the Obama Administration initially denied the
validity of the Bush “promise” and Secretary Clinton forcefully stated
that President Obama “wants to see a stop to settlements – not some
settlements, not outposts, not ‘natural growth’ exceptions…That is our
position. That is what we have communicated very clearly.” Despite this
rhetoric, little changed and eventually Obama officials also began
speaking of existing settlements as "realities" that would eventually be
annexed by Israel with Palestinians being compensated with unspecified
"land swaps."
It was President Donald Trump who
delivered the final blow to the US position on settlements.
Under his leadership, settlements are not only legal, they aren't even
"obstacles to peace." When Israel announces new construction, there's
nary a peep from the State Department. And while we haven't seen "the
ultimate deal," from what we know, most likely this administration will
bless Israel's retention of all settlements it has constructed. What's
clear is that the US bears responsibility for Israel's continued
flouting of international law. Despite past empty protests: we have
continued to provide massive amounts of aid and loan guarantees; we have
blocked all efforts to censure Israeli behavior; and, Congress and state
legislatures are in the process of criminalizing the right of Americans
to use boycotts to oppose settlements. There is no other way to describe
this behavior other than to say that we have become complicit in
Israel's international law violations.
The international
community needs to develop a new strategy to deal with this critical
matter. Passing another UN General Assembly resolution that protests
Israeli policies will accomplish nothing, neither will more speeches
reaffirming the importance and applicability of international law. The
burden for changing Israeli behavior must not be left to the weakest
party – the Palestinians – because they are not only confronting Israel.
They are also confronting the United States, which has given Israel the
green light and the wherewithal to continue to act with impunity.
At this point, an international strategy must be developed
to confront Israel and the backing it receives from the United States.
What is at stake is not only the human rights of a beleaguered
Palestinian nation, but the viability of international law and fabric of
civilized world order.
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