US Complicity in Israel's Violations of 
		International Law: Enabling Theft of Palestinian Lands  
				By James J 
				Zogby 
		Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, May 
		21, 2019  
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				Israeli dispossession of the Palestinian people, by the 
				continuous theft of their lands, 1947-2006 Note: There's much 
				less lands remaining now to Palestinians by 2019. | 
				
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		US Complicity in Israel’s Violations of International Law
		Last week I addressed a United Nations Security Council meeting on 
		"Israeli Settlements." Because I knew other speakers, experts and 
		diplomats, would address the illegality of Israeli settlements, the 
		economic and human rights impact on the Palestinian people, and the 
		stated design of the entire settlement enterprise to eliminate the 
		possibility of a viable and contiguous Palestinian state – I focused my 
		remarks on my government's role in enabling Israel's settlements and its 
		complicity in Israel's violations of international law. This may seem 
		like harsh language, but when nothing is done to stop an activity that 
		violates international law, contributes to human rights abuses, and 
		presents a clear danger to peace – then I don't know any other way to 
		describe American actions.   
During the past 50 years, 
		there has been a steady erosion in US policy toward Israeli behavior in 
		Palestinian lands. Successive American administrations' attitudes toward 
		Israeli settlements have gone from passive acquiescence to outright 
		acceptance. Even when some presidents expressed opposition to Israeli 
		settlements, they took no concrete action to stop them. The net result 
		has been that the settlement population in the occupied territories grew 
		from 50,000 during the Carter Administration to 620,000 Israeli settlers 
		today. The growth of settlements and settlers has been as steady as the 
		erosion of the official US policy on this critical question. 
In 
		1976 the Ford Administration was firm in its support of the 
		applicability of the Fourth Geneva Conventions, which governs the 
		behavior of an occupying power, to Palestine. President Jimmy Carter was 
		equally firm on this matter. He even sought a formal legal opinion from 
		the State Department Legal Advisor who determined that settlements were, 
		in fact, a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
US 
		adherence international law regarding settlements ended with President
		Ronald Reagan. Reagan was neither a student of law nor 
		policy and when tackling complex matters in interviews, sometimes made 
		awkward pronouncements based on his vague recollection of policy talking 
		points. One particularly sloppy example occurred during his first week 
		in office. When asked about Israel's planned expansion of settlements, 
		he said "As to the West Bank, I believe the settlements there...they're 
		not illegal. Not under the UN resolution that leaves the West Bank open 
		to all people – Arab and Israeli alike."     
Though sloppy, this 
		statement became US policy. During the rest of his time in office, 
		Reagan meandered between contradicting Carter's position on the 
		illegality of settlements and saying that settlements were eroding "Arab 
		confidence in Israel's willingness to enter into a peace agreement." In 
		the end, Reagan had done real damage to US policy. After him, no US 
		president referred to settlements as illegal. 
Reagan's 
		successor, George H.W. Bush was firmly opposed to Israeli 
		settlements, even withholding, as a penalty, 
		Congressionally-approved loan guarantees from Israel. Still, Bush never 
		called settlements illegal, instead terming them “obstacles to peace.”
		
President Clinton, who inherited the Oslo Accords, 
		continued a similar approach to settlements. He never claimed 
		settlements were illegal and instead argued that continued construction 
		was in violation of the “Oslo process,” which prohibited the parties 
		from undertaking “unilateral actions” that could predetermine final 
		negotiations.
While expressing concern with settlement expansion, 
		the George W. Bush Administration often took positions 
		which enabled their growth. For example, he acceded to Israel’s effort 
		to distinguish between “legal” settlements and “illegal” outposts, 
		insisting that the latter be removed (they were not), while only paying 
		scant attention to the former (many of which Israel proceeded to 
		encapsulate behind a 420 mile wall – redrawing its borders with the West 
		Bank). And despite endorsing the “Road Map” – which called on Israel to 
		dismantle all settlement "outposts" erected after March 2001 and freeze 
		all settlement activity – Bush sent a letter to Prime Minister Sharon in 
		April 2004 which stated that, “in light of new realities on the ground, 
		including already existing major Israeli population centers, it is 
		unrealistic to expect” these settlements will be removed after final 
		status negotiations. In short, what was once illegal became accepted as 
		a "new reality." 
President Barack Obama made 
		repeated efforts to end settlement expansion. In his 2009 Cairo speech, 
		Obama said, “the United States does not accept the legitimacy of 
		continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous 
		agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace…it is time for these 
		settlements to stop.” When challenged by the Israelis on the need to 
		allow “natural growth” and their claim that the Bush Administration had 
		given them permission to build within the “blocs” that were assumed 
		Israel would annex – the Obama Administration initially denied the 
		validity of the Bush “promise” and Secretary Clinton forcefully stated 
		that President Obama “wants to see a stop to settlements – not some 
		settlements, not outposts, not ‘natural growth’ exceptions…That is our 
		position. That is what we have communicated very clearly.” Despite this 
		rhetoric, little changed and eventually Obama officials also began 
		speaking of existing settlements as "realities" that would eventually be 
		annexed by Israel with Palestinians being compensated with unspecified 
		"land swaps." 
It was President Donald Trump who 
		delivered the final blow to the US position on settlements. 
		Under his leadership, settlements are not only legal, they aren't even 
		"obstacles to peace." When Israel announces new construction, there's 
		nary a peep from the State Department. And while we haven't seen "the 
		ultimate deal," from what we know, most likely this administration will 
		bless Israel's retention of all settlements it has constructed. What's 
		clear is that the US bears responsibility for Israel's continued 
		flouting of international law. Despite past empty protests: we have 
		continued to provide massive amounts of aid and loan guarantees; we have 
		blocked all efforts to censure Israeli behavior; and, Congress and state 
		legislatures are in the process of criminalizing the right of Americans 
		to use boycotts to oppose settlements. There is no other way to describe 
		this behavior other than to say that we have become complicit in 
		Israel's international law violations. 
The international 
		community needs to develop a new strategy to deal with this critical 
		matter. Passing another UN General Assembly resolution that protests 
		Israeli policies will accomplish nothing, neither will more speeches 
		reaffirming the importance and applicability of international law. The 
		burden for changing Israeli behavior must not be left to the weakest 
		party – the Palestinians – because they are not only confronting Israel. 
		They are also confronting the United States, which has given Israel the 
		green light and the wherewithal to continue to act with impunity.
		
 At this point, an international strategy must be developed 
		to confront Israel and the backing it receives from the United States.
		What is at stake is not only the human rights of a beleaguered 
		Palestinian nation, but the viability of international law and fabric of 
		civilized world order.
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