Will Netanyahu Win Finally Force American
Liberals to Support Palestinian Rights?
By James J
Zogby
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN,
April 28, 2019
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Israeli dispossession of the Palestinian people, by the
continuous theft of their lands, 1947-2006 |
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Why I'm Glad Netanyahu Won
I'm glad Benjamin Netanyahu won reelection. Since I realize that
saying this won't sit well with many folks, let me explain:
As the
election developed, it became clear that Benny Gantz, the leader of the
opposition "Blue and White" coalition, for a number of reasons, had come
to be seen as the darling of the liberal set especially here in the
US.
Some, for example, were justifiably upset by Netanyahu's gross
corruption or unnerved by his authoritarian actions designed to
intimidate the press, silence non-governmental organizations, and strip
the courts of their power. Others were optimistic that should Gantz win,
Israel's image would improve in the US and there would be the
possibility of a "reset" in the US-Israel relationship. One publication
described a Gantz victory as creating "a fresh slate and an opportunity
to re-energize support for Israel."
Driving this support for
Gantz was the concern of liberal Democrats who have been troubled by
recent polls showing a significant erosion of support for Israel among
core Democratic constituents especially millennial and minority voters
including American Jewish millennials. This growing alienation from
Israel has in part been due to both Netanyahu's repressive policies and
his close relationship with Donald Trump. There could be no doubt that
Trump had been excessive in his support for his Israeli partner:
canceling the Iran Deal; moving the US Embassy to Jerusalem; the "gift"
of the Golan Heights; cutting all US aid to the Palestinians; and
remaining silent in the face of settlement expansion and Netanyahu's
declared intent to apply Israeli sovereignty to West Bank settlements.
This virtual Trump/Netanyahu marriage most certainly had a role to play
in the embrace of Gantz by many liberals.
Because
American liberals have embraced the mantra of a "two-state
solution" and see Netanyahu's aggressive settlement construction and his
pledge to "annex" the settlements as obstacles to that goal, they also
fretted that a Netanyahu victory might spell the end of their idea of
two states one "Jewish and democratic" and one for the Palestinians.
At the same time, American Jews had an additional frustration with
Netanyahu as a result of his accommodation of the illiberal policies of
Israel's ultra-Orthodox religious community on issues of marriage,
conversion, and women's rights.
It was in this context, that
Gantz became the "great hope." I, however, never believed that he was.
In the first place, on the issue that mattered most to the future of
peace the treatment of Palestinians in the occupied territories
there was little that separated Netanyahu from Gantz.
In fact, Gantz' opening campaign advertisement featured Gaza in rubble
(Gantz had been in charge of the most brutal and devastating of the Gaza
wars), boasting the he had reduced parts of Gaza "back to the Stone
Age." And right before the election, an American Jewish publication
reported on a Gantz speech laying out his "seven pillars" for peace with
the Palestinians: "he said his priority was to ensure a Zionist 'end
state Jewish and Democratic and not a binational state, while
keeping the Jordan Valley, a united Jerusalem, and modifying the 1967
lines...I don't want to rule the Palestinians." In addition to these
goals, he added keeping the settlements and maintaining security control
west of the Jordan River.
In other words, Gantz might have been a
"fresh face", but, on the central issue of dealing with Palestinians and
the occupied territories, he was no different than the prime minister he
was seeking to replace.
In addition to the positions he
espoused, I felt that it was important to look at the composition of the
governing coalition Gantz would have assembled had he emerged
victorious. While the press routinely referred to Gantz as the
"center-left" candidate, in reality, only a small fraction of his
potential partners could be seen as "left." In fact, most of his
eventual partners were quite comfortable with Gantz's "seven pillars".
And because Israeli politics have moved so far to the right, even if he
had won the opportunity to form a government, Gantz never could have
assembled a coalition of 61 Knesset Members without adding the parties
representing the Palestinian citizens of Israel something that, early
on, Gantz had said he would never do.
This avoidance of Arabs
was in response to the negative anti-Arab campaign waged by Netanyahu.
Recognizing that Gantz couldn't have formed a government without Arab
support or acquiescence, Netanyahu advanced the slogan that the voters'
choice was "Bibi (Netanyahu's nickname) or Tibi" (referring to Ahmed
Tibi, the leader of one of the Arab parties). Instead of pushing back
against this patently racist Arab-baiting, Gantz made a pledge not to
consult with the Arab parties in the Knesset or include them in his
government.
With Netanyahu back for his fifth term as Prime Minister, liberals
must now face reality. They can no longer see Israel as a romanticized
"idea" of a progressive state governed by liberal values. Rather it has
demonstrated that it is an illiberal ethno-nationalist society that has
applied an apartheid-like repressive system to enable their continued
rule over a captive Palestinian people.
Liberals may continue to
say that they oppose settlements and seek a two-state solution. But here
too they will now have to confront reality. The settlement expansion
that occurred on their watch, and which they took no concrete steps to
curtail, has made a two-state solution impossible to implement. And,
they must now admit that Netanyahu, who for years they tolerated and
even feted, has in reality "played them like a fiddle." This won't come
easily.
It was interesting to watch how a few leading liberal
pundits and Democratic elected officials reacted during and after this
election. When it appeared that Gantz might win, they felt that it was
safe to denounce Netanyahu and even call him a racist, now with
Netanyahu emerging as the victor, they have flipped on a dime,
congratulating him on his victory and pledging to work with him to
implement the two-state solution some illusions do die hard.
But with Netanyahu expected to continue his extremist anti-Palestinian,
anti-peace, anti-rule of law, and pro-Trump agendas, the debate about
Israel here in the US will intensify. Because the base of the Democratic
Party has awakened to the realities of the occupation and is deeply
offended by everything both Netanyahu and Trump stand for, several
developments can be expected.
The rift between the base of the
Democratic Party and its elected officials will continue to grow. This
will take the form of candidates for higher office increasingly being
called to account for their failure to challenge Israeli behaviors.
The debate within the American Jewish community will also intensify,
with liberal Jews forced to reexamine their views of Israel and their
support for the policies of that state. As a result of these
developments, the Democratic Party is moving toward becoming the
anti-Netanyahu, anti-settlements, anti-annexation party with an
increasing number of Democrats even voicing support for cutting aid to
Israel and advocating for the rights of citizens to support the BDS
movement.
We are on the threshold of a major change in how
Israel will play out in American politics. I'm afraid that it has come
too late to save the two-states that were envisioned by the long dead
Oslo Accords. But it is a good thing that we will now finally be able to
have an honest debate about the dreadful situation created by American
complicity in enabling Israel's continued oppression of Palestinians.
This debate might have been aborted for a time had Gantz won. The
occupation and settlements would have continued but liberals would
have been less inclined to challenge him. With Netanyahu back, the
debate will be energized. It might be late in the game, but better late
than never.
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