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Fear and Trepidation in Tel Aviv: Is Israel
Losing the Syria War?
By Ramzy Baroud
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, July
31, 2017
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Netanyahu and Putin in Moscow for talks about the end game in
Syria, March 2017 |
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Israel, which has played a precarious role in the Syrian war since
2011, is furious to learn that the future of the conflict is not to its
liking. The six-year-old Syria war is moving to a new stage,
perhaps its final. The Syrian regime is consolidating its control over
most of the populated centers, while ISIS is losing ground fast - and
everywhere. Areas evacuated by the rapidly disintegrated
militant group are up for grabs. There are many hotly contested regions
sought over by the government of Bashar al-Assad in Damascus and its
allies, on the one hand, and the various anti-Assad opposition groups
and their supporters, on the other. With ISIS largely vanquished
in Iraq - at an extremely
high death toll of 40,000 people in Mosel alone - - warring
parties there are moving west. Shia militias, emboldened by the Iraq
victory, have been pushing westward as far as the Iraq-Syria border,
converging with forces loyal to the Syrian government on the other side.
Concurrently, first steps at a permanent ceasefire are
bearing fruit, compared to many failed attempts in the past.
Following a ceasefire
agreement between the United States and Russia on July 7 at the G-20
meeting in Hamburg, Germany, three provinces in southwestern Syria -
bordering Jordan and Israeli-occupied Golan Heights – are now relatively
quiet. The agreement is likely to be extended elsewhere. The
Israeli government has made it clear to the US that it is displeased
with the agreement, and Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu,
has been leading strong efforts to undermine the ceasefire.
Netanyahu's worst fears are, perhaps, actualizing: a solution in Syria
that would allow for a permanent Iranian and Hezbollah presence in the
country. In the early phases of the war, such a possibility
seemed remote; the constantly changing fortunes in Syria's brutal combat
made the discussion altogether irrelevant. But things have now
changed. Despite assurances to the contrary, Israel has always
been involved in the Syria conflict. Israel’s repeated claims that "it
maintains a policy of non-intervention in Syria's civil war," only
fools US mainstream media. Not only was Israel involved in
the war, it also played no role in the aid efforts, nor did it ever
extend a helping hand to Syrian refugees. Hundreds of thousands
of Syrians have perished in the merciless war; many cities and villages
were totally destroyed and millions of Syrians become refugees.
While tiny and poor Lebanon has hosted over a million Syrian refugees,
every country in the region and many nations
around the world have hosted Syrian refugees, as well. Except
Israel. Even a symbolic government proposal to host 100 Syrian
orphans was eventually dropped. However, the nature of the
Israeli involvement in Syria is starting to change. The ceasefire, the
growing Russian clout and the inconsistent US position has forced Israel
to redefine its role. A sign of the times has been Netanyahu’s
frequent visits to Moscow, to persuade the emboldened Russian President,
Vladimir Putin, of Israel's interests. While Moscow is treading
carefully, unlike Washington it hardly perceives Israeli interests as
paramount. When Israel shot down a Syrian missile using an arrow missile
last March, the Israeli ambassador to Moscow was summoned
for reprimand. The chastising of Israel took place only days
after Netanyahu
visited Moscow and "made it clear" to Putin that he wants to
"prevent any Syrian settlement from leaving 'Iran and its proxies with a
military presence' in Syria." Since the start of the conflict,
Israel wanted to appear as if in control of the situation, at least
regarding the conflict in southwestern Syria. It bombed targets in Syria
as it saw fit, and casually spoke of maintaining regular contacts with
certain opposition groups. In recent comments before European
officials, Netanyahu
admitted to striking Iranian convoys in Syria 'dozens of times."
But without a joint Israeli-US plan, Israel is now emerging as a
weak party. Making that realization quite belatedly, Israel is become
increasingly frustrated. After years of lobbying, the Obama
Administration refused to regard Israel’s objectives in Syria as the
driving force behind his government’s policies. Failing to
obtain such support from newly-elected President Donald Trump as well,
Israel is now attempting to develop its own independent strategy.
On June 18, the Wall Street Journal reported that
Israel has been giving "secret aid" to Syrian rebels, in the form of
"cash and humanitarian aid." The New York Times reported on
July 20 of large shipments of Israeli aid that is "expected to (give)
'glimmer of hope' for Syrians." Needless to say, giving hope to
Syrians is not an Israeli priority. Aside from the frequent bombing and
refusal to host any refugees, Israel has occupied the Syrian Golan
Heights in 1967 and illegally annexed the territory in 1981.
Instead, Israel’s aim is to infiltrate southern Syria to create a buffer
against Iranian, Hezbollah and other hostile forces. Termed "Operation
Good Neighbor," Israel is working diligently to build ties with
various heads of tribes and influential groups in that region.
Yet, the Israeli plan appears to be a flimsy attempt at catching up, as
Russia and the US, in addition to their regional allies, seem to be
converging on an agreement independent from Israel's own objectives or
even security concerns. Israeli officials are angry, and feel
particularly betrayed by Washington. If things continue to move in this
direction, Iran could soon have a secured pathway connecting Tehran to
Damascus and Beirut, Israeli National Security Council head,
Yaakov Amidror, threatened in a recent press conference that his country
is prepared to move against Iran in Syria, alone. Vehemently
rejecting the ceasefire, Amidror
said that the Israeli army will "intervene and destroy every attempt
to build (permanent Iranian) infrastructure in Syria."
Netanyahu’s equally charged statements during his
European visit also point at the growing frustration in Tel Aviv.
This stands in sharp contrast from the days when the
neoconservatives in Washington managed the Middle East through a vision
that was largely, if not fully, consistent with Israeli impulses.
The famed strategy
paper prepared by a US study group led by Richard Perle in 1996 is
of little use now, as the region is no longer shaped by a country or
two. The paper entitled: "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for
Securing the Realm", saw a hostile Arab world masterfully managed by US
and Israel. For a fleeting moment, Tel Aviv hoped that Trump
would bring about change to the US attitude. Indeed, there was
that euphoric
movement in Israel when the Trump administration struck Syria. But
the limited nature of the strike made it clear that the US had no plans
for massive military deployment similar to that of Iraq in 2003.
The initial excitement was eventually replaced by cynicism as expressed
by this
headline in the Monitor: "Netanyahu puts Trump on notice over
Syria." In 1982, taking advantage of sectarian conflicts, Israel
invaded Lebanon and installed a government led by its allies. Those days
are long gone. While Israel remains militarily strong, the
region itself has changed and Israel is not the only power holding all
the cards. Moreover, the receding
global leadership of the US under Trump makes the Israeli-American
duo less effective. With no
alternative allies influential enough to fill the gap, Israel is
left, for the first time, with very limited options. - Dr. Ramzy
Baroud has been writing about the Middle East for over 20 years. He is
an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant, an author
of several books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His books
include “Searching Jenin”, “The Second Palestinian Intifada” and his
latest “My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story”. His
website is www.ramzybaroud.net.
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