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Even the Council on Foreign Relations Is Saying It:
Time to Rain Money on Main Street
By Ellen Brown Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, September 8, 2014
You can always count on Americans to do the right
thing, after they’ve tried everything else. —Winston Churchill
When an article appears in Foreign Affairs,
the mouthpiece of the policy-setting Council on Foreign Relations,
recommending that the Federal Reserve do a money drop directly on the 99%,
you know the central bank must be down to its last bullet. The September/October issue of Foreign Affairs
features an article by Mark Blyth and Eric Lonergan titled “Print
Less But Transfer More: Why Central Banks Should Give Money Directly To The
People.” It’s the sort of thing normally heard only from money reformers
and Social Credit enthusiasts far from the mainstream. What’s going on? The Fed, it seems, has finally
run out of other ammo. It has to taper its quantitative easing program,
which is eating up the Treasuries and mortgage-backed securities
needed as collateral for
the repo market that is the engine of the bankers’ shell game. The Fed’s
Zero Interest Rate Policy (ZIRP) has also done serious collateral damage.
The banks that get the money just put it in interest-bearing Federal Reserve
accounts or buy foreign debt or speculate with it; and the profits go back
to the 1%, who park it offshore to avoid taxes. Worse, any increase in the
money supply from increased borrowing increases the overall debt burden and
compounding finance costs, which are already a major constraint on economic
growth. Meanwhile, the economy continues to teeter on the
edge of deflation. The Fed needs to pump up the money supply and stimulate
demand in some other way. All else having failed, it is reduced to trying
what money reformers have been advocating for decades — get money into the
pockets of the people who actually spend it on goods and services. A Helicopter Drop on Main
Street Blyth and Lonergan write: [L]ow inflation . . . occurs when people and
businesses are too hesitant to spend their money, which keeps unemployment
high and wage growth low. In the eurozone, inflation has recently dropped
perilously close to zero. . . . At best, the current policies are not
working; at worst, they will lead to further instability and prolonged
stagnation. Governments must do better. Rather than trying to
spur private-sector spending through asset purchases or interest-rate
changes, central banks, such as the Fed, should hand consumers cash
directly. In practice, this policy could take the form of giving central
banks the ability to hand their countries’ tax-paying households a certain
amount of money. The government could distribute cash equally to all
households or, even better, aim for the bottom 80 percent of households in
terms of income. Targeting those who earn the least would have two primary
benefits. For one thing, lower-income households are more prone to consume,
so they would provide a greater boost to spending. For another, the policy
would offset rising income inequality. [Emphasis added.] A money drop directly on consumers is not a new
idea for the Fed. Ben Bernanke recommended it in his notorious 2002
helicopter speech to the Japanese who were caught in a similar deflation
trap. But the Japanese ignored the advice. According to Blyth and Lonergan: Bernanke argued that the Bank of Japan needed to act more
aggressively and suggested it consider an unconventional approach: give
Japanese households cash directly. Consumers could use the new windfalls to
spend their way out of the recession, driving up demand and raising prices. . . . The conservative economist Milton Friedman also saw the
appeal of direct money transfers, which he likened to dropping cash out of a
helicopter. Japan never tried using them, however, and the country’s economy
has never fully recovered. Between 1993 and 2003, Japan’s annual growth
rates averaged less than one percent. Today most of the global economy is drowning in
debt, and central banks have played all their other cards. Blyth and
Lonergan write: It’s well past time, then, for U.S. policymakers
-- as well as their counterparts in other developed countries -- to consider
a version of Friedman’s helicopter drops. In the short term, such cash
transfers could jump-start the economy. Over the long term, they could
reduce dependence on the banking system for growth and reverse the trend of
rising inequality. The transfers wouldn’t cause damaging inflation, and few
doubt that they would work. The only real question is why no government has
tried them. The Hyperinflation Bugaboo The
main reason governments have not tried this approach, say the authors, is
the widespread belief that it will trigger hyperinflation. But will it? In a
Forbes article titled “Money
Growth Does Not Cause Inflation!”, John Harvey argues that the rule as
taught in economics class is based on some invalid assumptions. The formula
is:
MV = Py When the velocity of money (V) and the quantity
of goods sold (y) are constant, adding money (M) must drive up prices (P).
But, says Harvey, V and y are not constant. The more money people have to
spend (M), the more money that will change hands (V), and the more goods and
services that will get sold (y). Only when V and y reach their limits – only
when demand is saturated and productivity is at full capacity – will
consumer prices be driven up. And they are nowhere near their limits yet.
The US output gap –
the difference between actual output (y) and potential output – is currently
estimated at about $1 trillion annually. That means the money supply could
be increased by at least $1 trillion without driving up prices. As for V, the relevant figure for the lower 80%
(the target population of Blyth and Lonergan) is the velocity of M1 ––
coins, dollar bills, and checkbook money. Fully 76% of Americans now
live
paycheck to paycheck. When they get money, they spend it. They don’t
trade in the forms of investment called
“near money” and “near,
near money” that make up the bulk of M2 and M3.
The velocity of M1 in 2012 was 7 (down from a high of 10 in 2007). That
means M1 changed hands seven times during 2012 – from housewife to grocer to
farmer, etc. Since each recipient owes taxes on this money, increasing GDP
by one dollar increases the tax base by seven dollars.
Total tax revenue as a percentage of GDP in 2012 was 24.3%.
Extrapolating from those figures, one dollar spent seven times over on goods
and services could increase tax revenue to the government by 7 x 24.3% =
$1.7. The government could actually get more back in taxes than it paid out!
Even with some leakage in those figures, the entire dividend paid out by the
Fed might be taxed back to the government, so that the money supply would
not increase at all. Assume a $1 trillion dividend issued in the form
of debit cards that could be used only for goods and services. A
back-of-the-envelope estimate is that if $1 trillion were shared by all US
adults making under $35,000 annually, they could each get about $600 per
month. If the total dividend were $2 trillion, they could get $1,200
per month. And in either case it could, at least in theory, all come back in
taxes to the government without any net increase in the money supply. There are also other ways to get money back into
the Treasury so that there is no net increase in the money supply. They
include closing tax loopholes, taxing the
$21 trillion or more hidden in offshore tax havens, raising tax rates on
the rich to levels like those seen in the boom years after World War II, and
setting up a system of public banks that would return the interest on loans
to the government. If bank credit were made a public utility, nearly $1
trillion could be returned annually to the Treasury just in bank profits and
savings on interest on the federal debt.
Interest collected by
U.S. banks in 2011 was $507 billion (down from $725 billion in 2007),
and total interest paid on the federal debt was $454 billion. Thus there are many ways to return the money
issued in a national dividend to the government. The same money could be
spent and collected back year after year, without creating price inflation
or hyperinflating the money supply. Why It’s the Job of the Fed Why not just stimulate employment through the
congressional funding of infrastructure projects, as politicians usually
advocate? Blyth and Lonergan write: The problem with these proposals is that
infrastructure spending takes too long to revive an ailing economy. . . .
Governments should . . . continue to invest in infrastructure and research,
but when facing insufficient demand, they should tackle the spending problem
quickly and directly. Still, getting money into the pockets of the
people sounds more like fiscal policy (the business of Congress) than
monetary policy (the business of the Fed). But monetary policy means
managing the money supply, and that is the point of a dividend. The antidote
to deflation – a shrinking supply of money – is to add more. The Fed tried
adding money to bank balance sheets through its quantitative easing program,
but the result was simply to drive up the profits of the 1%. The alternative
that hasn’t yet been tried is to bypass the profit-siphoning 1% and get the
money directly to the consumers who create consumer demand. There is another reason for handing the job to
the Fed. Congress has been eviscerated by a political system that keeps
legislators in open battle, deadlocked in inaction. The Fed, however, is
“independent.” At least, it is independent of government. It marches to the
drum of Wall Street, but it does not need to ask permission from voters or
legislators before it acts. It is basically a dictatorship. The Fed did not
ask permission before it advanced $85 billion to
buy an 80% equity stake in
an insurance company (AIG), or issued over $24 trillion in
very-low-interest credit to bail out the banks, or issued trillions of
dollars in those glorified “open market operations” called quantitative
easing. As noted in an opinion piece in the Atlantic titled “How
Dare the Fed Buy AIG”: It's probable that they don't actually have the
legal right to do anything like this. Their authority is this:
who's going to stop them? No one wants to take on responsibility for
this mess themselves.
There is a third reason for handing the job to
the Fed. It is actually in the interest of the banks – the Fed’s real
constituency – to issue a national dividend to the laboring masses. Interest
and fees cannot be squeezed from people who are bankrupt. Creditor and
debtor are in a symbiotic relationship. Like parasites and cancers, compound
interest grows exponentially, doubling and doubling again until the host is
consumed; and we are now at the end stage of that cycle. To keep the host
alive, the creditors must restock their food source. Dropping money on Main
Street is thus not only the Fed’s last bullet but is a critical play for
keeping the game going. ________________ Ellen Brown is an attorney, founder of the Public
Banking Institute, and author of twelve books, including the
best-selling Web of Debt. In The
Public Bank Solution, her latest book, she explores successful public
banking models historically and globally. Her 200+ blog articles are at EllenBrown.com.
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