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Reporting the Middle East:
Please Go Back to the Streets
By Ramzy Baroud
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, June 6, 2014
Irrespective of how one feels about the direction taken by
various Arab revolutions in the last three years, a few facts remain
incontestable. Arab revolts began in the streets of poor, despairing Arab
cities, and Arabs had every right to rebel considering the dismal state of
affairs in which they live. Few disagree with these two notions.
However, the quarrel, in part, is concerned with the cost-benefit analysis
of some of these revolutions, Syria being the prime example. Is it worth
destroying a country, several times over and victimizing millions to achieve
an uncertain democratic future? The cost for Egypt was high as
well, although not as high in comparison to Syria. The conundrum that
Egyptians have been forced to contend with is that of ‘stability’ - based on
the same old paradigm of powerful elites and a majority fighting for crumbs
to survive on – vs. ‘instability’ within a relatively democratic system.
Although one must insist on appreciating the uniqueness of every
collective Arab experience, one can hardly deny the parallels that began to
emerge over the course of months and years. Part of the similarity
between the various Arab experiences is inherit in the common historical,
religious, cultural and linguistic rapports that continue to unite millions
of Arabs, even if at an emotional level. The other part is concerned with
the comparable strategies applied by Arab governments to control their
peoples – the psychological manipulation, the fear mongering, the intense
degrees of violence and oppression, the readiness to go to any length to
ensure total control, and so on. The last three years offer more such
examples than what earlier decades have as a whole. The so-called Arab
Spring has morphed into a model of state violence unequalled in modern Arab
history. While for journalists and reporters, the story is
perplexing and too involved to explain with any degree of intellectual
integrity, future historians are likely to have less difficulty deciphering
the seemingly befuddling events. Some of us wrote with a measure of clarity
from the revolutions’ very early days, warning of the possibility of mixing
up the complex narratives from Tunisia and Morocco to Yemen and Bahrain. We
contended that if the ‘Arab Spring’ were to be a triumph of any kind, it
would mean that it brought back the ‘people’ factor to the Middle East’s
political equation, which has been continually dominated by two competing,
and at times harmonious parties: the local, ruling elites and regional and
international foreign powers. True, the ‘people’ were finally back
as an integral part of that equation, but that alone is just not enough to
guarantee that the wheel of history would start turning into the desired
direction, based on a preferred speed. It simply meant that the future
nature of conflicts in the Middle East and North African region would be
more multifarious than ever. From a historical point of view, the
current conflict in the Middle East – the devastating war in Syria, the
utter chaos and recurring coups in Libya, the push and pull involving the
military in Egypt and the state of bedlam in Yemen, etc. – are not in the
least unanticipated outcomes of an unprecedented historical conversion in a
region associated with hopeless stagnation. But historians have the
leverage of time. They can sit in their recluse offices and reflect on
substantial phenomena, compare and contrast as they please and only regard
their conclusions as serious when time attests to their academic
realizations. Reporters on the ground and media commentators hardly
have such leverage. They are forced to react instantaneously to developing
events, and quickly draw conclusions. Considering the lack of depth and
understanding of the Middle East that many western reporters had to begin
with – their interests in the region were mostly augmented and surrounded by
US-western intervention in Iraq and elsewhere – reporting on the ‘Arab
Spring’ was greatly lacking, if not at times outright embarrassing.
True, many reporters agreed that it all began when a despairing Tunisian
street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, lit himself on fire on December 17, 2010.
That could in fact be the start of an intelligent discussion if it were
coupled with an authentic understanding of Arab culture, language, history
and political dynamics unique to every society. Unfortunately, there was
little of that. When then-Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben
Ali decided to step down on January 14, 2011, soon to be followed by Hosni
Mubarak of Egypt, the reporting moved from the street back to the same tired
circle of self-serving political elites, western-funded NGOs,
English-speaking social-media buffs and their likes. What could have been an
equal revolution in the media’s understanding of the Middle East became a
failed attempt at understanding what Arab people in the street truly aspire
to achieve. If a regular Fatima or Mostafa does not speak English or tweet
all-day long because they are busy surviving and all, they won’t receive
funds from some EU-affiliated financier to sustain their NGO; then they are
forgotten about and of no consequence to the story. But the problem
is a regular Fatima and a Mostafa stand at the heart of the story. The
failure to respond to their pleas, understand their language, value or their
aspirations is not their problem, but ours, in the media. It might have been
too inconvenient for some to chase Fatima and Mostafa’s story because doing
so can be dangerous, because they are not reachable by phone or because
their social-media presence is too dismal. It might be out of sheer
laziness, or complete ignorance of what matters and what doesn’t. It might
also be that Fatima and Mostafa’s story doesn’t fit nicely into the
fictitious discourse that we knitted on behalf of the media organizations
for which we work. Fatima might be Shia, or Sunni and Mostafa might be
Christian or anti-intervention, and that too can be too inconvenient to
report. Now that sham democratic elections are bringing dictators
back to power, and that sanctioned intellectual elites of Arab countries
have been proven to be no more than lackeys to existing regimes, it is time
to go back to the streets, this time with true understanding of language,
culture and people. Unlike Mohamed Bouazizi, the Fatimas and
Mostafas of the Middle East should not have to set themselves ablaze to
become worthy of a news report. Their constant struggle and resistance is a
story that must be told. In fact, it is the only story that should have
mattered in the first place. - Ramzy Baroud is a PhD scholar in
People’s History at the University of Exeter. He is Managing Editor of
Middle East Eye. He is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media
consultant, an author and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest
book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press,
London).
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