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Syria's New Game: The Russian Factor
By Ramzy Baroud
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, September 23, 2013
Many US media commentators were fairly accurate in labeling
some of the language used by Russian President Vladimir Putin in his
recent New York Times article as ‘hypocritical’. But mainstream US media
should be the last to point out anyone’s hypocrisy as it has brazenly
endorsed every military intervention unleashed by their country since
World War II. Putin’s statement “we must stop using the language of
force and return to the path of civilized diplomatic and political
settlement,” merits serious scrutiny. Considering that violence has been a
readily available option in Russia’s own wars from Afghanistan, to
Chechnya and Georgia, the language of dialogue and civilized political
settlements have been rarely exercised. But, independent from that
context, Putin was surely correct in his assessment of US behavior. It was
indeed difficult to point out any palpable inaccuracy in Putin’s NYT’s
article published on the 12th anniversary of September 11. “It is
alarming that military intervention in internal conflicts in foreign
countries has become commonplace for the United States,” Putin wrote. “Is
it in America’s long-term interest? I doubt it. Millions around the world
increasingly see America not as a model of democracy but as relying solely
on brute force, cobbling coalitions together under the slogan ‘you’re
either with us or against us.” (Interestingly, this was the same
conclusion reached by the China Daily in its editorial the next day.)
Putin’s statement was not just true, but precise, highlighting the very
essence that has defined US foreign policy since the end of the US-Soviet
Cold War, and the US-led military campaign against Iraq in 1990-91. The
model of ‘cobbling coalitions together’ was used then as the US emerged as
the lone superpower. This allowed it the space to reconfigure the world’s
geopolitical scene in any way it deemed necessary and suitable to its own,
but also Israeli interests. It had done so repeatedly and with little
hesitation. Its invasion of Iraq in 2003 was the pinnacle of that model.
Millions of people were left dead and maimed while millions more were
forced to franticly run for their lives. The US-invited horror
was hardly mentioned when western‘liberal’ commentators cleverly called
attention to all of Putin’s and Russia’s perceived failures. Simon Tisdall
tried to take Putin to task on his piece in the British Guardian on Sep 12
by offering readers selected ‘translations’ of the Russian president’s
text. Using an intellectually demeaning approach of ‘translating’ what
could be obviously understood by any average reader of world affairs,
Tisdall even contended with Putin’s statement that “it is extremely
dangerous to encourage people to see themselves as exceptional, whatever
the motivation … We are all different, but when we ask for the Lord's
blessings, we must not forget that God created us equal.”
“Translation: this passage takes the biscuit for sheer chutzpah,” Tisdall
wrote. But what is Tisdall’s view on the very ‘sheer chutzpah’ of invoking
American exceptionalism at every turn by the US’ own leaders – from
warmongers like George W. Bush to Nobel Peace Prize winners like Barack
Obama. Hasn’t American exceptionalism cost the world so dearly? A lethal
assortment of shocks and awes and unmanned drone warfare is all being sold
in the name of human rights, democracy, and of course, in the name of God.
Putin is not exactly a peacenik, but his country has indeed succeeded
in breaking, at least for now, a predictable pattern of American military
interventions in the Middle East which are mostly aimed at ensuring
Israel’s military and political supremacy and suppressing its foes or
potential enemies. This is in addition to safeguarding US energy supplies
and keeping economic contenders at bay. For this reason it was of
little surprise that the first country that U.S. Secretary of State John
Kerry planned to visit following his talks with his Russian counterpart
Sergei Lavrov in Geneva on Sep 14, was Israel. Kerry and Lavrov met to
discuss, and later agreed to the details of the dismantling of Syria’s
chemical weapons arsenal, which was understood as the only viable way to
avert a US military strike. The proposal was fully Russian, thus Putin’s
public relations campaign, and his NYT article. The US, alienated after
years of warmongering, had to accept the Russian proposal. Any other
option would have had unpredictable, but likely catastrophic outcomes.
Tellingly, Kerry opted for a meeting to debrief Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu before conversing with his EU allies. Of course, Israel
will now try to influence the pursuit of Syria’s chemical arsenal the same
way the US and its western allies manipulated the UN inspectors’ work to
dismantle Iraq’s non-existent nuclear weapons program. It must
have been a major disappointment for Israel’s neoconservative friends and
lobbies in the US that neither war nor ‘surgical strikes’ are in the
offing. It goes without saying that the lives of 100,000 Syrians or the
plight of six million refugees are not a factor in their discontent.
Middle East expert and author Jeremy Salt had a lot to say about the
“carefully crafted (and) deceitful campaign,” unleashed by the Israeli
lobby. In “Israel’s Lobbyists Pushing Hard for another War in the
Middle East,” and after a careful examination of their public statements,
Salt explains the new approach used by the Israel lobby, which carefully
avoided any reference to Israeli interests. The major point of the
campaign is that this war is “not about Israel (but) about America’s
national interest (and) about punishing a government which has used
chemical weapons on its own people…” Israel has killed too many
Arabs to worry about the death of some more, and the brutality of the
Syrian government or its opposition has never been a concern to Israel and
its lobby. For them, another American war is yet another opportunity to
knock down an old adversary, engender further chaos and bask in the glory
of being ‘the only democracy in the Middle East’ among a sea of
tumultuous, unruly neighbors. However, lack of appetite for intervention
has thwarted the plan for now, leaving the US and Israel searching for new
options to maintain their relevance in a region of quickly shifting
balances. The anger directed at Putin’s article has a lot less to
do with Putin’s own legacy as a leader, and much more to do with the
frustration that new players in the Middle East are now successfully
involved in a ‘game’ that has for decades been dominated by if not
reserved for western powers and their allies. - Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net)
is a media-consultant, an internationally-syndicated columnist and the
editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is: My Father was A
Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press).
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