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Elizabeth Warren's QE for Students:
Populist Demagoguery or Economic Breakthrough?
By Ellen Brown
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, June 24, 2013 On July 1, interest rates
will double for millions of students – from 3.4% to 6.8% – unless Congress
acts; and the legislative fixes on the table are largely just compromises.
Only one proposal promises real relief – Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s “Bank on
Students Loan Fairness Act.” This bill has been dismissed out of hand as
“shameless populist demagoguery” and “a cheap political gimmick,” but is it?
Or could Warren’s outside-the-box bill represent the sort of game-changing
thinking sorely needed to turn the economy around? Warren and her
co-sponsor John Tierney propose that students be allowed to borrow directly
from the government at the same rate that banks get from the Federal Reserve
-- 0.75 percent.
They argue: Some people say that we can’t afford low interest
rates for students. But the federal government offers far lower rates on
loans every single day — they just don’t do it for everyone. Right now, a
bank can get a loan through the Federal Reserve discount window at a rate of
less than one percent. The same big banks that destroyed millions of jobs
and broke our economy can borrow at about 0.75 percent, while our students
will be paying nine times as much as of July 1. This is not fair. And
it’s not necessary, either. The federal government makes 36 cents on every
dollar it lends to students. Just last week, the Congressional Budget Office
announced that the government will make $51 billion on the student loans it
issued this year — more than the annual profit of any Fortune 500 company,
and about five times Google’s yearly earnings. We should not be profiting
from students who are drowning in debt while we are giving great deals to
big banks.
The archly critical Brookings Institute says the bill “confuses market
interest rates on long-term loans (such as the 10-year Treasury rate) with
the Federal Reserve’s Discount Window (used to make short-term loans to
banks), and does not reflect the administrative costs and default risk that
increase the costs of the federal student loan program.” Those
criticisms would be valid if the provider of funds were either a private
bank or the American taxpayer; but in this case, it is the U.S. Federal
Reserve. Warren
and Tierney assert, “For one year, the Federal Reserve would make funds
available to the Department of Education to make these loans to our
students.” For the Fed, completely different banking rules apply. As "lender
of last resort,"
it can expand its balance sheet by buying all the assets it likes. The
Fed bought over $1 trillion in "toxic" mortgage-backed securities in QE 1,
and reportedly turned a profit on them. It could just as easily buy $1
trillion in student debt and refinance it at 0.75%. Which Is a
Better Investment, Banks or Students? Students are considered risky
investments because they don’t own valuable assets against which the debt
can be collected. But this argument overlooks the fact that these young
trainees are assets themselves. They represent an investment in “human
capital” that can pay for itself many times over, if properly supported and
developed. This was demonstrated in the 1940s with the G.I. Bill, which
provided free technical training and educational support for nearly 16
million returning servicemen, along with government-subsidized loans and
unemployment benefits. The outlay not only paid for itself but returned a
substantial profit to the government and significant stimulus to the
economy. It made higher education accessible to all and created a nation of
homeowners, new technology, new products, and new companies, with the
Veterans Administration guaranteeing an estimated 53,000 business loans.
Economists have determined that for every 1944 dollar invested,
the country received approximately $7 in return, through increased
economic productivity, consumer spending, and tax revenues.
Similarly in the 1930s and 1940s,
the Reconstruction Finance Corporation funded the New Deal and World War II
and wound up turning a profit, without drawing on taxpayer funds. It’s an
initial capitalization was only $500 million; yet the RFC eventually lent
out $50 billion – the equivalent of about $500 billion today. It raised
money by issuing debentures, a form of bond. It got all of this money back,
made a profit for the government, and left a legacy of roads, bridges, dams,
post offices, universities, electrical power, mortgages, farms, and much
more that the country did not have before. In 1944, President
Franklin Roosevelt proposed an Economic Bill of Rights, in which higher
education would be provided by the government for free; and in the
progressive 1960s, tuition actually was free or nearly free at state
universities. Some countries provide nearly-free higher education today. In
Norway, Denmark, France and Sweden,
the cost of college is less than 3% of median income, as compared to 51%
in the U.S. Other countries make loans available to their students
interest-free. For more than twenty years,
the Australian government has successfully funded students by giving out
what are in effect interest-free loans. They are “contingent loans,” which
are repaid only if and when the borrower’s income reaches a certain level. New
Zealand also offers 0 percent interest loans to New Zealand students,
with repayment to be made from their incomes after they graduate.
Banks Are Good Credit Risks Only Because They Are Backed by the Government
In a National Review article titled “Warren’s
Student-loan Demagoguery,” Ian Tuttle argues that the discount window
should not be available to students because the Fed defines that resource as
"an instrument of monetary policy that allows eligible institutions to
borrow money, usually on a short-term basis, to meet temporary shortages of
liquidity caused by internal or external disruptions," and because the
discount window is "an emergency measure used to prevent runs on banks."
It may be true that the Fed's discount window is open only to banks,
but the Federal Reserve Pact was passed by Congress and can be modified by
Congress. The reasoning behind the policy needs to be re-examined.
The question is, why do banks routinely have "shortages of liquidity"? What
does that mean? It means they have lent out depositor funds that don’t
properly belong to them, gambling that they will be able to replace the
money before the depositors demand it back. The banks have a binding
commitment to return customer money "on demand." They can make good on that
commitment because, and only because, the Fed and the FDIC back them up in a
massive shell game, in which
they borrow from each other or the Fed overnight – just long enough to
make their books appear to balance – and then give the money back the next
day. Banks are good credit risks only because they have the backstop of the
Fed and the government behind them. Without those guarantees, we would be
back to the cycle of endless bank runs of the 19th and early 20th centuries.
“Our students are just as important to our recovery,” says Warren,
“as our banks.” What if students, too, were backed by the government's
guarantee? What if, as in Australia and New Zealand, students were not
required to repay the investment in human capital represented by their
educations until the economy provided them with jobs? What if the government
made it a policy to provide them with jobs? This too has been done before,
quite successfully. It was part of Roosevelt’s New Deal.
As
detailed by Prof. Randall Wray, citing N. Taylor’s The Enduring Legacy
of the WPA: The New Deal jobs programs employed 13 million people;
the WPA was the biggest program, employing 8.5 million, lasting 8 years and
spending about $10.5 billion. It took a broken country and in many important
respects helped to not only revive it, but to bring it into the
20th century. The WPA built 650,000 miles of roads, 78,000 bridges, 125,000
civilian and military buildings, 700 miles of airport runways; it fed 900
million hot lunches to kids, operated 1500 nursery schools, gave concerts
before audiences of 150 million, and created 475,000 works of art. It
transformed and modernized America. In the 1930s, the government was in
a worse financial position to achieve all this than it is now; but the
commitment and the will were there, and the means were found. In World War
II, the means were found again. The government always seems to be able to
find the means to fund a war. We can just as easily find the means to fund
our economic recovery. And if the funding comes from the Federal Reserve,
the government need not be propelled into a mounting debt owed at mounting
interest. The funds can be provided interest-free; and because they
represent an investment in productive capital, the debt itself can be repaid
with the fruits of the investment – the jobs that create the salaries that
generate taxes and consumer demand. The default rate on student
loans is close to 10% today because there are no jobs available to repay the
loans, and because the interest rate is so high that the debt is doubled or
tripled over the life of the loan. Give students loans and jobs, and the
default problem will cure itself. Investing in our young people has
worked before and can work again; and if Congress orders the Fed to fund
this investment in our collective futures by “quantitative easing,” it need
cost the taxpayers nothing at all.
The Japanese have finally seen the light and are using their QE tool as
economic stimulus rather than just to keep their banks afloat, and we need
to do the same. Ellen Brown is an attorney, chairman of the
Public Banking Institute
and author of twelve books, including
Web of Debt and the just-released sequel,
The Public Bank Solution.
Her websites are webofdebt.com and
publicbanksolution.com.
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