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Turkey's Policies at a Crossroads:
From Zero-Problems to a Heap of Trouble
By Ramzy Baroud
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, October 16, 2012
It seems that media consensus has been conclusively reached: Turkey has
been forced into a Middle Eastern mess not of its own making; the ‘Zero
Problems with Neighbors’ notion, once the foreign policy centerpiece of the
Justice and Development Party (AKP), is all but a romantic notion of no use
in realpolitik. Turkey’s “policy’s goal – to build strong economic,
political, and social ties with the country’s immediate neighbors while
decreasing its dependency on the United States – seemed to be within sight,”
wrote Sinan Ulgen nearly a year ago. “But the Arab Spring exposed the
policy’s vulnerabilities, and Turkey must now seek a new guiding principle
for regional engagement.” This reading was not entirely unique and
was repeated numerous times henceforth. It suggests an air of naiveness in
Turkish foreign policy and overlooks the country’s barely selfless regional
ambitions. It also imagines that Turkey was caught in a series of
unfortunate events, forcing its hand to act in ways inconsistent with its
genuine policies of yesteryears. This, however, is not entirely true.
The recent skirmishes of Oct 4 at the Syrian-Turkish border were reportedly
invited by mortar shells fired from the Syrian side. Five people including 3
children were killed and the incident was Turkey’s ‘last straw.’ Turkey’s
Anatolia news agency reported of an official Syrian apology through the
United Nations soon after the shelling and the Syrian government promised an
investigation. However, their seriousness remains doubtful. But the Turkish
military was quick to retaliate, as the parliament voted to extend a
one-year mandate to the military in order carry out cross-border military
action. Irrespective of the violence at the Syrian border, the mandate was
originally aimed at Kurdish fighters in northern Iraq and it had already
been set for a pre-scheduled vote in mid-October. The peculiarly
evolving episode seems unreal. Not long ago, Turkish Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan had, to the displeasure of Israel and the US, reached out to
both Syria and Iran. He referred to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad as his
‘brother’, knowing of the full political implications of that term. When
Turkey voted against Iran sanctions at the United Nations in June 2010, ‘it
provoked a crisis,” a Wall Street Journal article read. Later, Turkey
quarreled with NATO over the missile-defense initiative, a system that is
clearly aimed at Iran and Syria. “Turkey is becoming the Alliance's
‘opt-out’ member in operations in Muslim countries,” said the WSJ. These
developments took place at the heels of the deadly Israeli military raid on
the Turkish ship Mavi Marmara, which carried mostly Turkish peace activists
as part of a larger effort – The Gaza Freedom Flotilla – aimed at breaking
the siege on Gaza. Israel killed 9 Turkish civilians and wounded many more
on the Mavi Marmara. Erdogan and other Turkish officials rose to the
status of superstars among Arabs at the time when ousted Egyptian president
Hosni Mubarak was himself complicit in the Gaza siege. Understandably, the
AKP became a political model and the subject of endless academic and
television debates. Turkey was the brand to beat even culturally and
economically. Internally, Erdogan and his party were credited for
overseeing massive economic growth, and successfully reining in and
eventually integrating the once insubordinate, coup-prone military
leadership into a democratic system managed by elected civilians.
Externally, Erdogan and his Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu helped rebrand
and partly break the isolation of several Arab leaders, including Libya’s
Muammar Qaddafi. (Turkish leaders must have been fully aware of the
grievances of Arab peoples as they signed economic deals worth billions of
dollars with the very dictators they helped oust.) Although Ankara’s spat
with Tel Aviv didn’t translate into tangible change in Israeli or US
policies towards Palestinians, a level of gratification permeated: At last,
a country strong enough as Turkey had the courage to stand up to Israel’s
intransigent and calculated insults. Then Tunisia overthrew its
president and Turkey’s foreign policy cards were mix-up like never before.
If the US, France and other Western powers were inconsistent and
self-contradicting in their stances on uprisings, revolutions and civil wars
that struck the Middle East and North Africa in the last 18 months, Turkey’s
foreign policy was particularly muddled. Initially, Turkey responded
to what seemed like distant affairs with good sound bites concerning
people’s rights, justice and democracy. In Libya, the stakes were higher as
NATO was hell-bent on determining the outcomes of Arab revolts whenever
space allowed. Turkey was the last NATO member to sign onto the Libya war.
The delay proved costly as Arab media that cheered for war seemed to target
Turkey’s prized reputation and credibility. When Syrians rebelled,
Turkey was prepared. Its policy was aimed at taking early initiative by
imposing its own sanctions on Damascus. It went even further as it turned a
blind eye while its once well-guarded border area became awash with
smugglers, foreign fighters, weapons and more. Aside from hosting the Syrian
National Council (SNC), it also provided a safe haven for the Free Syrian
Army that operated from the Turkish borders at will. While much of that was
justified as righteous Turkish action to deter injustice, it was one of the
primary reasons which made a political solution unattainable. It turned what
eventually became a bloody and brutal conflict into a regional struggle. It
allowed for Syrian territories to be used in a proxy conflict involving
various countries, ideologies and political camps. Since Turkey is a NATO
member, it meant that NATO was involved in the Syrian conflict, although in
a more understated way than its war on Libya. The Kurdish dimension
to Turkey’s role in Syria is of course enormous. Less reported is that
Turkey is industriously working to control any Kurdish backlash in Syria’s
northeast region, thus doubling Turkey’s border conflict, which has been
mostly confined to northern Iraq. Writing in Turkish Today’s Zaman, Abdullah
Bozkurt spoke of "a high-stakes game plan for Turkey to control the
fast-paced developments in northern Syria using the Kurdistan Regional
Government (KRG) in neighboring Iraq as a proxy force without getting
directly involved in Syria." Moreover, Ankara has more discreetly worked to
compel favorable policies by the SNC regarding the Kurdish question. Bozkurt
further reports that “Ankara has silently pushed SNC to elect an independent
Kurd, Abdulbaset Sieda, in June as a compromise leader .. as a safeguard
measure for Turkey to exert influence over some 1.5 million Kurds in Syria.”
Indeed, the so-called Arab Spring has partly confused and
eventually helped realign Turkish foreign policy towards Arab countries, and
even Iran. Turkey however was barely a passive player before or after the
upheaval. The impression that Turkey has stood at the fence as competing
agendas south of their border finally pushed Ankara to the brink, is both
erroneous and misleading. Regardless of how Turkish politicians wish to
formulate their involvement, there is no escaping that they have taken part
in the war against Libya, and are now entangled, to some extent by choice,
in the brutal mess in Syria. The sad irony is that hours after
Turkey’s retaliation to the Syrian fire, Israel's Deputy Prime Minister Dan
Meridor told reporters in Paris that an attack on Turkey is an attack on
NATO, an underhanded gesture of careful solidarity. He added, “If the Assad
regime were to fall, it would be a vital strike on Iran.” Israeli Foreign
Minister Avigdor Lieberman could barely hide his excitement, for what the US
neoconservatives failed to achieve, is now being done by proxy. Lieberman,
hardly a visionary, predicted a 'Persian Spring' on the way that, he urged,
must be supported. For Israel and the US, now that Turkey is on board, the
possibilities are endless. Ankara must reconsider its role in the
deepening calamity, and devise more sensible policies. War should not be on
the agenda. Too many people have died that way. - Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net)
is an internationally syndicated columnist and the editor of
PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter:
Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, London.)
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