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Netanyahu Versus Obama: What Next?
By Alan Hart
Redress, Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, March 19, 2012
Alan Hart assesses Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin
Netanyahu’s options as he tries to sabotage the prospect of a second term
for Barack Obama by dragging the US into a war with Iran, and argues that
the real danger is that Netanyahu’s anti-Iran rhetoric – “a combination of
wretchedness and megalomania” – may create an unstoppable momentum for war.
The headline over an article by Bradley Burston in Haaretz on
Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s poker game with President Barack
Obama was “If Obama wins in November, is Netanyahu in trouble?” That’s a
question I’ve had in my own mind for quite some time and it begs another.
What, really, worries Netanyahu most: the prospect (not real) of Iran posing
an existential threat to Israel or the prospect (real) of a second-term
Obama?
There is, Burston wrote, something new in the air, something
Netanyahu does not like. What is it? “American conservatives have begun to
think out loud that Barack Obama will win in November.”
In my opinion
there’s a better-than-evens chance that in the course of a second Obama
term, America would put its own best interests first, which would mean an
end to unconditional American support for the Zionist state of Israel right
or wrong. (As is often the case, the gentile me and Gideon Levy are on the
same page. The headline over one of his recent articles in Haaretz
was “It’s only a matter of time before US tires of Israel.”)
There
are three main reasons why I have that opinion.
Breaking free of IsraelThe first is my belief that Obama
hates being a prisoner of the Zionist lobby and its stooges in Congress. (I
think that Max Hastings, a former editor of the Daily Telegraph and
a well respected military historian, was spot on when he wrote the following
in a recent article for the Daily Mail. “Privately, Obama yearns to
come down hard n Netanyahu, whom he dislikes intensely. But the US President
does not dare to do this when his own re-election may hinge on the 3 per
cent of American voters who are Jewish.”)
The second, and much more
to the real point, is that behind closed doors there are now many in the top
levels of America’s military, intelligence and foreign policy establishments
who are aware that an Israel which has no interest in peace with the
Palestinians, and is led by men who want war with Iran, is an Israel that is
much more of a liability than an asset for the US. There is also awareness
in the top levels of America’s military, intelligence and foreign policy
establishments that Netanyahu decided to play the Iran threat card in order
to divert attention away from Israel’s ongoing consolidation of its
occupation of the West Bank and, in short, to have Palestine taken off the
American foreign policy agenda.
The third is the insight given to me
by former President Jimmy Carter when my wife and I met him and Rosalyn
after they had said goodbye to the White House. “Any American president has
only two windows of opportunity to break or try to break the Zionist lobby’s
stranglehold on Congress on matters to do with Israel Palestine.”
The
first window is during the first nine months of a president’s first term
because after that the soliciting of funds for the mid-term elections
begins. Presidents don’t have to worry on their own account about funds for
mid-term elections, but with their approach no president can do or say
anything that would offend the Zionist lobby and cost his party seats in
Congress. The second window of opportunity is the last year of his second
term if he has one. In that year, because he can’t run for a third term, no
president has a personal need for election campaign funds or organized
votes. (I imagine that incoming President Obama, briefed by Carter or not,
was fully aware of these limited windows of opportunity and that was why he
tried in his first nine months to get a freeze on Israel’s illegal
settlement activity.)
So my answer to Burston’s headline question is
yes, Netanyahu could very well be in trouble if Obama wins a second term.
A good indication of Netanyahu’s fear of a second term Obama is, I
think, the mountain of money his seriously wealthy supporters in America are
investing in the effort to get a Republican into the White House who will
allow Netanyahu and the Zionist lobby to pull his strings.
Question:
Given that he does not want Obama to have a second term, what now are
Netanyahu’s options?
Netanyahu’s optionsI can see three possibles.
One
is to watch and wait and hope that there will be a downturn in the American
economy between now and November that will assist a Republican presidential
candidate to defeat Obama.
Another is to launch a unilateral attack
on Iran’s nuclear sites (never mind that Iran’s leaders have not taken a
decision to go nuclear for weapons and possibly never will unless Iran is
attacked).
Question: How might initiating a war with Iran assist
Netanyahu to put Obama in real trouble?
One short answer is that the
probable regional and global fall-out of an Israeli attack on Iran,
including soaring oil prices, could bring what is being presented as a slow
but sure recovery of the American economy to a swift halt. And that, most
likely, would be enough to guarantee Obama’s defeat in November. (In an
analysis for The National Interest, an American bimonthly
foreign policy journal, Paul Pillar, a former, very senior CIA analyst and
today a visiting professor at Georgetown University for security studies,
noted that the welfare of American consumers and workers is “not high” on
the list of decision-making criteria for Netanyahu and his government.)
There is, however, one thing that could cause Netanyahu not to go with
this option. Quite apart from the fact that Israel’s past and present
intelligence and military chiefs are divided on the wisdom of a unilateral
Israeli attack on Iran, the polls are showing that a majority of Israeli
Jews are opposed to Israel going it alone with an attack on Iran. They’re in
favour of Iran being attacked but only if America becomes engaged and takes
the lead.
And that brings us to a possible third option for
Netanyahu. It is to commission a Mossad false flag operation – an attack on
a vital American interest or interests for which Iran could be and would be
framed.
The Zionist lobby, Obama’s Republican rivals and much if not
all of the American mainstream media would promote this falsehood as fact,
and that could leave Obama with no choice but to commit American military
power. If he did not, his Republican challenger or challengers, assisted by
the Zionist lobby and most if not all of the American mainstream media,
would accuse him of failing to protect America’s security interests and
betraying Israel. And that, given the ignorance of American public opinion,
would almost certainly be enough to guarantee Obama’s defeat.
For his
own part Obama absolutely does not want war another war. He’s frightened, as
he should be, of the possible/probable consequences.
Quite apart from
the possible/probable economic consequences (including soaring petrol prices
in America), Obama understands completely that US engagement in a new and
broader regional war will ignite more anti-Americanism and play into the
hands of Arab and other Muslim radicals and extremists, perhaps to the point
of assisting them to become the dominant political power in the region. And
that, were it to happen, would be potentially catastrophic for America’s
best interests in the Arab and wider Muslim world. (Netanyahu would, of
course, be quietly pleased because his Israel needs enemies.)
”The most dangerous man in the world”So far as I am
aware there is no well informed commentator who is prepared to make an
explicit prediction about what Netanyahu will do – whether he will or will
not order a unilateral Israeli attack on Iran in the closing stages of the
American election. If I had to bet my life on it, I’d say he won’t; but
there’s a real danger that his anti-Iran rhetoric, described in a recent
Haaretz editorial as “a combination of wretchedness and megalomania”,
may create an unstoppable momentum for war.
As my readers know, I
regard Haaretz as the most honest newspaper in the world on the
subject of what is really happening in Israel. Its view of Netanyahu was on
display in a recent editorial headlined “Israel must not lend itself to
Netanyahu’s vulgar rhetoric on Iran.” I think the whole editorial ought to
be required reading not only for those who want to replace Obama as
president but for all American voters. Here is the text of it:
Anyone who cares about
Israel's future could not help but feel a chill upon hearing Benjamin
Netanyahu's recent speech at the AIPAC [American Israel Public Affairs
Committee] conference – if not because of the gravity of the existential
threat it described, then because of its sheer vulgarity and bad taste.
The prime minister, as if he were no more than a surfer leaving feedback
on a website, did not hesitate to crassly compare Israel today to the
situation of European Jewry during the Holocaust. And to spice up his
speech with one of those visual gimmicks he so loves, he even pulled out
a photostat of correspondence in order to imply a comparison between US
President Barack Obama's cautious approach toward attacking Iran and
President Franklin D. Roosevelt's refusal to bomb the rail lines to
Auschwitz.
Netanyahu sometimes seems like he is holding a
debating competition with himself. Every speech is the “speech of his
life” and must overshadow its predecessor, while afterward, as if they
were rehashing a sporting event, he and his aides gleefully count the
number of standing ovations, especially from his American listeners. And
in order to wring an ovation from the end of every sentence, it seems as
if all means are legitimate: kitsch (trash) and death, threats
and vows, warnings and rebukes of the entire world.
This time,
too, it's not quite clear what he wanted to obtain via this inane
rhetoric – a combination of wretchedness and megalomania – aside from
applause. Did he want pity? To prick the conscience of the world? To
terrify himself, or perhaps to inflame the Churchillian fantasy in which
he lives? But one thing is clear: Aside from the fact that he deepened
our feelings of victimhood, insulted the American president and narrowed
the options for diplomacy, Netanyahu did not improve Israel's situation
one jot by this speech, just as he hasn't by any of his others.
Netanyahu isn't the first Israeli prime minister, especially from the
right, to harp on the trauma of the Holocaust. But in contrast to
Menachem Begin and Ariel Sharon, who at the moment of truth also
displayed diplomatic and leadership abilities, Netanyahu was and remains
essentially a PR man: someone for whom words and rhetoric replace
reality. The spine-chilling fear is that one day, all of us – himself
included, despite his caution and hesitation – will discover too late
that we have become hostages to his Churchillian speech, but without a
Churchillian victory.
I’ll conclude with my own favourite story about Netanyahu.
Way
back in 1984 I had an appointment for lunch in New York with the Englishman
I most admire, Brian (later knighted) Urquhart. He was an
undersecretary-general of the UN with the responsibility for conflict
management. He served four secretary-generals and was, in fact, the world’s
number one trouble-shooter. Because of his matchless grasp of international
affairs and his integrity, he was respected by leaders on both sides of all
the conflicts he managed. And he never pulled his punches in behind-closed
doors exchanges with leaders. On one private occasion Prime Minister Begin
said he should not talk with Arafat. Urquhart looked Begin in the eye and
said: “Mr Prime Minister, I am the servant of the international community,
don’t you dare to tell me who I can and cannot talk to!”
When Brian
arrived for lunch, he said as he was sitting down, “I’ve just met the most
dangerous man in the world.”
I asked who it was.
Brian
replied: “He’s just presented his credentials as Israel’s ambassador to the
UN, Binyamin Netanyahu.”
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