| 
 Al-Jazeerah History
 
 Archives
 
 Mission & Name
 
 Conflict Terminology
 
 Editorials
 
 Gaza Holocaust
 
 Gulf War
 
 Isdood
 
 Islam
 
 News
 
 News Photos
 
 Opinion 
	
	
	Editorials
 
 US Foreign Policy (Dr. El-Najjar's Articles)
 
 www.aljazeerah.info
 
	  
           |  | 
 Pulling Lebanon Back From the Brink
 
 By James Zogby
 Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, July 9, 2012   With neighboring Syria imploding, tensions with Iran mounting, and 
	Israel ever threatening, Lebanon appears to be on the brink of conflict. But 
	then that has been the story of Lebanon for decades now. This remarkably 
	beautiful country filled with extraordinary people has long been a victim of 
	its history, its own leaders and the machinations of outsiders. This may be 
	Lebanon's past and present, but if we listen to the Lebanese people, it need 
	not be the country's future.
 
 It was the French who created Lebanon 
	and its patchwork quilt, sect-driven system of governance, designing it to 
	serve France's imperial interests. During the past 80 years, operating 
	within this imposed framework, Lebanon's sectarian elites have jockeyed for 
	advantage, seeking the support of external "partners" to buttress their 
	position. Only too obliging, these foreign "partners" all too often had 
	their own interests to promote or scores to settle. As a result, Lebanon was 
	time and again transformed into a battlefield where sects clashed and 
	regional power struggles were fought.
 
 And so it is today.
 
 Two 
	generations ago, Lebanon was an East-West Cold War battleground. Today it is 
	an arena in which the conflict between the West and its allies versus Iran 
	and its surrogates plays out -- with fragile Lebanon hanging in the balance, 
	and its security, stability and prosperity at risk.
 
 Some may shrug 
	dismissively and say "this is Lebanon" or point to the country's warlords 
	and armed gangs and say "they bring it on themselves." But this recurring 
	precarious state of affairs need not be Lebanon's fate. If we listen to 
	Lebanon's people, it is possible to imagine a very different country, based 
	on a common identity and sense of purpose.
 
 If polling has taught me 
	anything, it is that people almost always know more than the politicians who 
	lead them. In this regard, Lebanon's people have a great deal to say -- and 
	deserve to be heard.
 
 There are, to be sure, issues that divide the 
	Lebanese. For example, two recent polls found Lebanese holding discordant 
	views with regard to
	
	Syria and
	Iran. 
	Shi'a in Lebanon appear to be supportive of the Ba'ath government of Bashar 
	al Assad and also favor close ties with Iran. Meanwhile the country's Sunni 
	community holds the opposite view. Christians are divided in their opinions. 
	In all cases, these attitudes of various Lebanese groups, while reflecting 
	the positions of their leaders, only tell part of the story of what Lebanese 
	really think. On most issues, however, there is a strong domestic consensus 
	-- and it would be wise for leaders in Lebanon, and the rest of us, to pay 
	attention and focus on the issues and policies that could bring most 
	Lebanese together, not those that divide them.
 
 There are many places 
	where Lebanese find common ground. They agree on the country's sorry state 
	of affairs, the political priorities that must be addressed, the importance 
	of national identity, unity and fundamental political reforms that should be 
	enacted.
 
 When, for example, we ask Lebanese whether they are better 
	off or worse off than they were five years ago, all agree they are worse 
	off. Similarly when we ask them if the country is currently on the right 
	track or the wrong track, all groups agree that Lebanon is on the wrong 
	track. And when we ask Lebanese to identify their top political concerns, 
	once again there is a remarkable convergence in attitudes. All Lebanese, 
	across the board, rank "expanding employment opportunities" as their number 
	one concern, followed by "ending corruption and nepotism," "political 
	reform," and "protecting personal freedoms and civil rights." Foreign policy 
	issues are not considered priorities, and at the very bottom of the scale is 
	"promoting political debate" -- something most Lebanese have wearied of.
 
 What is also striking is that when we ask Lebanese for their principle 
	source of identity, they do not name their religion or sect, nor do they say 
	their family or "being Arab." Instead, people in all groups say that it is 
	"being Lebanese." In this regard they are different than Arabs from every 
	other country -- where responses are most often nearly evenly divided 
	amongst "Arab," religion, and their country of origin.
 
 When we ask 
	Lebanese whether they prefer to maintain the sect-based apportionment system 
	of the past or replace it with a "one 
	man/one vote" political structure, there is broad agreement that it is 
	time to implement the latter. They all agree that national unity is a must 
	for the country. And they reject the notion that any one group should 
	dominate over the others.
 
 Almost a century ago, Lebanon's 
	internationally renowned poet, Kahlil Gibran, wrote a marvelous piece, "You 
	have your Lebanon, I have my Lebanon," in which he contrasted the country's 
	self-centered, plundering, bickering elites with the common folk who are 
	Lebanon's heart and soul. Gibran was right then, and his observations hold 
	true today. Lebanon's leaders and those who care about the future of the 
	country ought take note -- listen to Lebanon's people, and help pull the 
	country back from the brink, before it's too late.
 View AAI's 
	comprehensive archive of opinion polls
 
 
 |  |  |