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Another Symbolic Victory:
Abbas' New Political Gambit
By Ramzy Baroud
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, September 26, 2011
When Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas decided to go
to the United Nations to request the admission of Palestine as a full
member, he appeared to have had an epiphany. Had he finally realized that
for the past two decades he and his party, Fatah, have gone down a road to
nowhere? That Israel was only interested in him as a conduit to achieve its
colonial endeavor in the remaining 22 percent of historical Palestine? That
his national project – predicated on the ever elusive ‘peace process’ –
achieved neither peace nor justice? Abbas claims to be
serious this time. Despite all US attempts at intimidation (for example, by
threatening to withhold funds), and despite the intensifying of Israeli
tactics (including the further arming of illegal Jewish settlers to combat
possible Palestinian mobilization in the West Bank), Abbas simply could not
be persuaded against seeking a UN membership this September. “We
are going to the Security Council. We need to have full membership in the
United Nations...we need a state, and we need a seat at the UN,” Abbas told
Palestinians in a televised speech on September 16. For months,
Palestinian intellectuals, historians, legal experts and academicians have
warned against Abbas’s haphazard, understudied move. Some have argued that
if Abbas’ UN adventure is a tactical maneuver, its legal repercussions are
too grave a price to pay for little or no returns. If ‘Palestine’ replaces
the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) - currently recognized by the UN
as the sole representative of the Palestinian people - then Palestinians
risk losing the only unifying body they all have in common (its replacement
representing only two million Palestinians in the occupied West Bank).
“Most damaging is that this initiative changes our ability as a people to
represent the totality of our inalienable rights,” said Abdel Razzaq Takriti,
activist and political historian at Oxford University (according to Ma’an
news agency, September 3). “The simple act of replacing the PLO as the
representative of the Palestinian people with a state removes the claims of
the PLO to sovereign status as the sole legitimate representative of the
Palestinian people.” The PLO, which for decades served as a
bulwark of the Palestinian national struggle, continues to exist today, but
only in theory. The PA, which was founded in 1994 as a temporary authority
to oversee a Palestinian transition to statehood has slowly but decidedly
hijacked and undercut PLO institutions. More, the PA itself has
neither legitimacy nor credibility. Whatever remained of the latter was lost
during the Israeli war on Gaza and the publishing of the Palestine Papers by
Al Jazeera and the Guardian. The papers showed that the very individuals now
championing a Palestinian statehood bid at the UN once regularly
collaborated with Israel to crack down on Palestinian resistance. They
helped Israel undermine Palestinian democracy, isolate
democratically-elected Hamas, give away the refugees’ right of return, and
worse, deprive Palestinians from any meaningful sovereignty in occupied East
Jerusalem. As for its lack of legitimacy, the
matter requires no leaked documents. In fact, Fatah’s refusal to concede to
2006 election results led to the circumstances that exasperated a civil war
in Gaza. Gaza’s besiegement (a direct consequence of the elections and the
civil war) continues to serve both Israel and the PA equally. The latter is
functioning in the West Bank with no popular mandate, surviving on
international handouts and ‘security coordination’ with the Israeli army.
Even Abbas’s term as a president of the PA has expired. All of this
summons an urgent question: how can an authority that lacks the legal
legitimacy as a representative of the Palestinian people take on a role that
could change the course of the entire Palestinian national project?
A leaked legal opinion by Oxford University law professor Guy Goodwin-Gill
warned of the legal consequences of Abbas’ bid, including the sidelining of
the PLO. Goodwin-Gill intended to “flag the matters requiring attention, if
a substantial proportion of the people are not to be accidentally
disenfranchised.” An equally worrisome issue is the PA’s history of acting
in ways that contradict the interests of the Palestinian people. Years of
such experience left most Palestinians with significantly less land and
greatly reduced rights. On the other hand, a small segment of the
Palestinian population prospered. Evidently, the ‘new rich’ of Palestine
were all affiliated with the PA, Fatah and the very few on top. This
iniquitous situation would have easily continued were it not for the
so-called Arab Spring, which began demolishing the status quo governing Arab
countries. Abbas’ corrupt regime was also a member of the ailing Arab
political apparatus. Its existence, like others, was propped by American or
other Western support. In order to avoid brewing anger in Palestine and the
region, the Palestinian leadership was forced to present itself as breaking
away from the old paradigm More, the “the PA feels abandoned by the
US which assigned it the role of collaborator with the Israeli occupation,
and feels frozen in a ‘peace process’ that does not seek an end goal,”
according to Joseph Massad in Al Jazeera. “PA politicians opted for the UN
vote to force the hand of the Americans and the Israelis, in the hope that a
positive vote will grant the PA more political power and leverage to
maximize its domination of the West Bank.” The reasons behind the PA
bid for statehood range between tactical politics (involving Israel and the
US) and diverting attention from the PA’s own failures. The elitist politics
almost complete discount the Palestinian people. If Palestinians truly
mattered to Abbas, he would have started by unifying Palestinian factions,
reenergizing (as opposed to stifling) civil society, and setting in motion
the process needed to reform the PLO (as opposed to destroying its
hard-earned international legitimacy). “It is evident that
Palestine needs newly elected leadership through an inclusive democratic
process encompassing all Palestinians, not just those in the West Bank and
Gaza Strip,” wrote leading Palestinian historian Salman Abu Sitta in the
Middle East Monitor (July 10, 2011). This, in fact, should be the task at
hand, not wasting time and energy pursing political gambits, which, at best
will only yield symbolic victories. Indeed, the Palestinian people
are fed up with symbolic victories. They may have guaranteed Abbas and his
men all the trappings of power, but they have failed to reclaim even one
inch of occupied Palestine. - Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net)
is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of
PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter:
Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press, London), available on Amazon.com.
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