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      The Abbas-Misha'al Encounter:  What Is Next?
	
  By Khalid Amayreh 
      PIC, November 28, 2011 
	
  Despite its inconclusiveness, the Cairo meeting between 
	Palestinian Authority (PA) Chairman Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas leader Khaled 
	Misha'al was a positive step toward the restoration and even solidification 
	of Palestinian national unity.
  It is hoped that subsequent efforts 
	promised by Fatah and Hamas will finally put an end to this erratic and 
	sorry episode of Palestinian life.
  The meeting itself, especially the 
	positive spirit and optimistic tone surrounding it, drew angry reactions 
	from the Zionist. 
  The uninterrupted barking coming from the Shipyard 
	dogs in Tel Aviv threatened doom and gloom if the Palestinians reunified 
	their ranks. Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman reportedly warned 
	that not a dime would be transferred to Palestinian coffers from the tax and 
	customs revenue levied by Israel on behalf of the PA in accordance with the 
	scandalous Paris economic protocol signed in Paris in 1994. 
  
	Notorious for his racist outlook and fascist mindset, Lieberman stopped 
	short of saying "that either the PA follows Israeli dictates to the letter, 
	or we will strangle the PA financially and economically."
  The 
	Nazi-like tone must not intimidate the Palestinians or make them slow down 
	in pursuing national unity or rethink their legitimate national goals. 
	 If we pay the slightest attention to Lieberman's barking, imagine how 
	vociferous and frenzied he and people of his ilk would look when we insist 
	on such paramount issues as Jerusalem and the right of return for millions 
	of displaced Palestinians who were uprooted and expelled from their homes in 
	what is now Israel when the evil entity came into being in 1948.
  
	Hence, any genuine national reconciliation agreement involving Palestinian 
	factions, one that is worthy of the name, must be reached in spite of 
	Israel, not with her permission.
  Mishaal and Abbas reportedly agreed 
	to hold elections by May. Details in this regard need to be finalized and 
	many serious questions need to be answered satisfactorily, otherwise the 
	organization of elections could prove to be a step backward. 
  First 
	of all, we have to remind ourselves that Israel, not the PA, controls the 
	West Bank and East Jerusalem since the Israeli occupation maintains its 
	provocative presence in every nook and cranny in the occupied territories. 
	 This means that Israel, not the PA, has the final say with regard to 
	every detail pertaining to the elections. Believing or thinking otherwise is 
	an exercise of political naivety, to put it mildly.
  Besides, Israel 
	is likely to prevent or at least seriously disrupt electioneering and 
	campaigning by Hamas, a main contender in the electoral process.
  
	Israel is actually likely to arrest and imprison Hamas candidates before or 
	after the elections. Therefore, one is prompted to ask how Palestinian 
	factions, particularly Hamas, could consent to elections that would swell 
	the residents of Israeli dungeons and detention centers.
  Perhaps 
	Hamas would obtain guarantees to forestall this prospect, which is too true 
	and too realistic to be hypothetical.
  After all, dozens of Hamas 
	legislative council members, elected in 2006, are still languishing in 
	Israeli dungeons without charge or trial? 
 
  In any case, Hamas 
	must not approach this issue lightly because Israel is a venomous, 
	vindictive snake and her vehement enmity to every thing Islamist or even 
	Islamic has not abated an iota. 
  In short, Israel can't be trusted 
	and we don't need to repeat the previous experience, otherwise it would be a 
	real exercise in political stupidity, and imbecility.
  I have no doubt 
	that the Hamas leadership at home and abroad are well aware of this 
	treacherous precipice. This makes it imperative for Hamas to explain to the 
	Palestinian people why it thinks that holding elections under the existing 
	circumstances is the right choice.
  Hamas might seek guarantees from 
	Arab states that have diplomatic ties with Israel, particularly Egypt. But 
	would such guarantees be sufficient?
  In any case, we all hope and 
	pray that the next elected government in Egypt, in which the Islamists would 
	have a strong influence, will create an absolute linkage between commitment 
	to the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty and Israel's treatment of the 
	Palestinians.
  But in the absence of an iron-clad commitment of this 
	sort, Hamas should never embark on an adventure whose end is not clear and 
	subject to Israeli whims.
  More to the point, it is crystal clear that 
	objective circumstances are conspicuously absent for holding true elections 
	in the West Bank. Today, and regardless to the overwhelming Israeli factor, 
	the PA remains more or less a police state apparatus. People exercising 
	their human rights and civil liberties are routinely persecuted and arrested 
	because they are deemed "non-conformist."
  Besides, the PA has been 
	using schools, public media, colleges, and all public institutions to 
	indoctrinate people into supporting Fatah and resenting Hamas. 
  This 
	means that a great deal of desensitization must be carried out in order to 
	give all factions equal chances in the election process. Some people would 
	suggest that the elections be postponed a few more months in order to 
	further affect the process of desensitization.
  Finally, Palestinian 
	factions, all of them, must be faithful to Palestinian national constants, 
	including the right of return for Palestinian refugees as well as Jerusalem. 
	 In addition, Fatah and Hamas must also be honest with regard to the 
	possibility of dismantling the Palestinian Authority if and when it becomes 
	amply clear that the PA has become a liability rather than an asset for the 
	Palestinian quest for freedom and independence, including the creation of a 
	viable and territorially contiguous state on 100% of the occupied 
	territories. 
  
	
  
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